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Cedar Rapids Gazette (Newspaper) - May 7, 1974, Cedar Rapids, Iowa Cfrlitf X\npuU Editorial Page Tuesday, May 7, 1974 Optimistic new chief WITH TYPICAL law enforcer’s acuity, Cedar Rapids* new police chief, Wallace La Peters, has seen from 1,600 miles what some local critics have overlooked at point-blank range: That despite having “the smallest staff,’’ the Cedar Rapids police force is one of the country’s most efficient (among cities of 100,000-plus population). Somebody’s got to be doing something right,” said LaPeters, who moves here from Miami unintimidated by turmoil in the department and the ensuing Linn grand jury investigation. Obviously, the new chief does not regard the top police job here as a trick cigar threatening explosion any second. The wager from this corner is that LaPeters is correct: Overall high quality of law enforcement is too firmly planted here to be blown away by intradepartmental turmoil. As noted in this space last Dec. 8, an imported chief of police undoubtedly can eliminate snafus and communication problems quicker than someone embroiled in them. How Mr. LaPeters will handle the tranfusion remains to be seen. Importantly, though, his optimism-quotient seems admirably high. Meanwhile, the new chief’s comments about efficiency and staff size invite comment. LaPeters could have characterized the police force as a prototype for efficiency without being guilty of exaggeration. Despite budgetary limitations in the past decade, the department has branched into myriad specialty operations — narcotics control, intelligence, polygraph investigation and crime prevention (neighborhood alert and related efforts), to mention a few . Unable to add significantly to patrol ranks, the department has innovated timesaving devices such as in-car tape recorders, which relieve officers of painstaking report writing. Still the force is undermanned: 137 sworn (under oath) officers, compared with the 150 positions authorized by the city council. LaPeters seemingly overstated this shortcoming when, in stressing the department’s efficiency (though not calling for an increase above authorized strength), he called it “the smallest staff’’ among cities of 100,000 or more population. Since Cedar Rapids (1970 population, 110,642) is one of the smallest cities in that group, it figures to have a smaller police department. Law enforcement manpower here does fall far below average requirements quoted by the FBI and International Assn. of Chiefs of Police (ranging up to 2.3 officers per thousand citizens). Actual needs of course depend onWomen serve women crime rate, density and city area, among other factors. Compared with other large Iowa cities, however, Cedar Rapids’ police complement does not look undernourished. Des Moines (201,404) has 319 policemen and Waterloo (75,533) has several fewer than its authorized strength of 140. Those totals reflect more officers per capita than in Cedar Rapids, but both cities have heftier crime problems, too. Meanwhile, Sioux City (85,925) reports its force is at full strength of 112, w hile Dubuque (62,309) has 70 officers. But comparisons with other cities aside, Cedar Rapids needs more policemen, and it would be a major surprise if LaPeters does not follow the lead of his predecessor, George Mafias, in trying to expand the force by at least 15 or 20 officers. Those familiar with deliberations at city hail know the impending scenario: Safety commissioner takes his case before fellow councilmen. But the council, wary of a police department budget already approaching $2 million yearly, advises that priorities for other city departments weigh against increasing police staff beyond authorized size. Even at that, the additional 13 qualified persons are hard to find — the prospect of working the so-called graveyard shift for approximately $8,400 annually is not all that attractive to would-be officers. All of which suggests that Wallace LaPeters has a stiff challenge ahead in commanding the force heretofore billed as Iowa’s best. That he is impressed with expertise on hand and undaunted by factionalism should help ease recovery from the recent bout with a tar brush. Failing AMONG Second district Iowans, according to Congressman Culver’s recent tabulation of some 17,000 responses to a questionnaire he sent out last winter, this is how the people feel in these parts on items concerning performance of duty: Do you approve of the way the PRESIDENT is doing his job? Yes, 21 percent. Do you approve of the way CONGRESS is doing its job? Yes, 32 percent. Do you approve of the way the MEDIA are doing their job? Yes, 57 percent. What this country needs, in times of cynicism, disillusionment and universal expertise on imperfection is a good thorough sounding on: Do you approve of the way ANYBODY is doing his job nowadays? Two sides to ‘rise’ By Don Oakley WHEN Sally Forth today’s liberated Ms., ventures out to make her way in the jungle of the male-dominated business or career world, it s forgotten that someone has to come into the home to clean the house, watch the kids, do the laundry or maybe cook The fact is that today’s liberated woman often depends upon another group of women — the domestic or private household employes — to free her of the housewife’s chores. The fact also is, points out Dr. Doris McLaughlin, assistant research scientist with the University of Michigan and Wayne State university, these private household employes are among the lowest paid and least protected workers in the labor force. “More often than not,’’ she says, “professional women deny their household employes benefits they themselves expect — indeed, take for granted — in their own work.” Although household workers are now revered by the new statutory minimum wage of $2 an hour, less than one-third of them work full time; many work lur a different employer every day; they have no paid sick time or holidays; are unemployed when their emplovt r leaves town for any reason, and although legally entitled to them, often are eliminated from social security benefits. The end result, says Dr Mcl-iughlin, is that the movement of one group of women up the economic ladder entails the economic exploitation of another group of women In fairness to the career women, she suggests that their lack of concern for their sisters is because their freedom is such a new development that they havent gotten used to thinking of themselves as employers — a role that until quito recently was usually reserved for males. Until they do, says Dr. McLaughlin, •‘they may not even realize that in treating their household help in such a cavalier manner they are depriving other women of the same benefits that they arc fighting so hard to obtain for themselves.” Newspaper fenterprite Association Don Oakley New political necessity Ooze it or lose: Sincerity By Alan Ehrenhalt WASHINGTON - The cliche of the year in campaign management is that sincerity sells. The nation’s top political consultants, drawing one lesson from 1972 and inferring another from Watergate, are advising candidates that voters will be judging them as people in 1974, not just as legislators. “In some ways, this won’t be an issues year,’’ said Johnny W. Allem, a Washington-based consultant who works with Democrats. “People will want to know what the candidate believes in before they want to know what he’s going to do about Interstate 75 . . . I’m recommending to candidates that they first demonstrate to voters that they’re honest people.” Examples of the “sincerity first” strategy are already cropping up in campaigns all over the country. In North Carolina, Democratic senate candidate Nick Galifianakis is insisting that his character, not his specific program, is the crucial issue. “I think what you really have to demonstrate this time is that you care,” Galifianakis told an audience recently. “I don't think it's vital that you know all the answers to all the issues. I think it is vital in order to restore confidence that you show you can handle the job and that you do care. ” In Georgia, Democrat Bort Lance is seeking the governorship by asking voters what they would do if they had the job, rather than by detailing his own plans. That way, Lance’s advisers believe, the man s responsiveness will come through. “Anybody anywhere in Georgia,” a Lance brochure promises, “can pick up the telephone anywhere and dial toll-free with a message for Ber! ... You will get a personal response from Bert, not just some campaign aide. ” People’s forumTry again To the Editor: Because I am a “saver,” I have a letter dated Sept. 20, 1971, from Hamilton Vasey assistant superintendent for instructional services, requesting me to serve on an ad hoc citizens’ advisory committee for the possible remodeling of Franklin junior high school. I have also been a member of the citizens’ planning committee for presenting the bond issue pnqiosal to the voters These committees have been active and have been consulted every step of the way for almost three years, lielieve me, many and all alternatives have been investigated for preserving the investment we have in the four older junior high buildings. The longer we delay renovation, the higher the remodeling costs go It seems to me inevitable that the bond issue will be submitted to the voters again I hope the citizens of < edar RapidsMisleading identity If sincerity is the quality candidates hopi' to convey, personal contact is the technique they plan to use. "People want to see more and more of their candidates,” said Joseph Napolitan, who has been in campaign management longer than most of his colleagues. "They want to see who the hell they’re voting fop.” Nothing illustrates the current trend better than the thinking of Napolitan, who has always heavily list'd television and is sometimes given credit for inventing the media blitz — the massive barrage of television commercials on behalf of a candidate just before an election. Napolitan will be using television this year, just as he always has. But he insists there will be few blitzes and little commercialism. In Michigan, where he was advising gubernatorial candidate Jerome ( avanagh before Cavanagh’s sudden withdrawal in April, Napolitan was planning to put the candidate on the air with simple five-minute television essays. delivered from behind a desk. This differs little from what candidates were doing in the early 1950s, before television techniques became more sophisticated. “It’s very low-key, eyeball-to-eyeball stuff ’’ Napolitan explained, it takes it all back to the beginning.” Many of the new campaign trends have their roots in the 1972 campaign, when the most startling upsets were pulled off by candidates who stressed direct contact. In Delaware, for instance, unknown Democrat Joe Biden talked to every voter he could find and defeated Republican Sen. J Caleb Boggs, the odds-on favorite. “I don’t think issues mean a great deal about whether you win or lose,” Biden said recently. “I think issues give you a chance to articulate your intellectual who did not vote “yes” will give this proposal serious thought in the coming months. It has been a privilege and a pleasure to serve with other concerned parents, school board members and administrative personnel on these committees. Sally Bettiga, president Franklin Pareat-Tescher League 2112 E avenue NESick ones To the Editor The people are not the only sick ones. The Watergate investigators and reporters must lie very sick. After the jury acquitted Mitchell and Stans, they not only condemned Mitchell and Stans but carried it to the people to cause dissension among the people We are supposed to tx* innocent until proven otherwise, but the Watergate investigators and reporters had already concluded that everyone was guilty. The headlines were Mitchell and Stans guilty of bla-bla; the same thing is or was happening to President Nixon capacity. Issues are a vehicle by which the voters determine your honesty and capacity.” John Marttila, the Boston consultant who worked with Biden in 1972, is working with Galifianakis now But, some consultants are skeptical of the "sincerity first” approach. "I can’t separate issues from personality,” said Charles Guggenheim, a film-maker for Democratic candidates. "Candidates are in the business of issues. It’s like trying to judge a lawyer who won’t address himself to the law.” Even more critical is Sanford Weiner of California, who works for both Republicans and Democrats. "Everyone is trying to put out the facade of honesty, purity and holiness,’ said Weiner. “The public is not going to buy that any more than they buy the other crap they put out. What they’re looking for is a candidate who’s credible on any issue he talks about. They know the great white knight isn’t going to ride down the trail." Some consultants are disturbed by the seeming faddism of a profession that was dominated by television commercials in 1970, promoted computers as a revolutionary tool in 1972 and is making personal contact into a craze in 1974. Campaign management is a closely knit profession Its leading members meet after every election discuss what worked and what didn’t and talk about techniques of the future Somehow their conclusions turn out to be the fads of the next campaign Guggenheim, w ho refuses to join any of the campaign consultant organizations, believes the profession should not bt' so uniform. “The only good political advisers,” he said, “are those w ho have gut feelings and value systems. The ones w ho deal in formulas or styles or trends are fraudulent. Any candidate who takes that kind of advice is a fool.” Congressional Quarterly The President is not a defendant in anything. Most of the evidence hangs upon Dean, and it seems the jury didn’t believe hun. In fact, the man was already under indictment for perjury; however, he was called and recalled time and again to give his opinion. That would have never been done in a real court of justice. It has to be the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth. It seems Dean can’t discriminate between fact and fiction President Nixon should have never turned over any papers or tapes. What there are of them has nothing to do with national or federal affairs. It’s rather like undressing one in public . . . Joann Briggman Manchester Upgrade One day, instead of the usual sandwiches of hamburger, ham, fish or cheese, the school cafeteria served bologna and peanut butter sandwiches as the entree of the day. After lunch, a satisfied first-grader marched up to the manager of the kitchen and complimented: "Finally we got a home-cooked meal " Boltimor* Sun How CIA wildgoosed the FBI By Jack Anderson WASHINGTON — The < entral Intelligence Agency switched files on the FBI, we have loamed in a deliberate attempt to mislead the G-men who were investigating the Watergate breakin The agents had discovered from tin grand jury testimony that Mrs James McCord, wife of the Watcrbugger, had burned some of her husband’s papers after he was arrested inside the Watergate on June 17, 1972. According to the testimony, someone named Pennington who had served with McCord in the CIA, had been present at the burning This led to a routine FBI request for a UA file on Pennington, which threw CIA officials into a panic. For D*e Pennington, a CIA consultant, not only had been present but had participated in the burning A faithful CIA man he had reported the incident to his sui* mors Pennington later testified that he h.id driven to the McCord home, as a friend of the family, riot as a UA informant, after the Watergate arrest Pennington found Mrs McCord burning papers and joined in, although he insisted nothing sensitive was fed to the flumes. The last thing the UA wanted was to Is* linked to the W’ utertoife owmIch* So Iii* UA sent the FBI a file on Cecil Pennington instead of l>r Pennington. By a Coincidence, Cecil Pennington once had also boon associated with McCord iii the CIA Dor tour* es say it was no accident tiial tin 1 JA fur rn h» d the FBI with til** wrong fit* 'Du . claim it auh deliberate ob-stria lion of joist a « The FBI quo kl/ M'Ognj/ed that Cecil Pennington had nothing * hut Hoover to do with Watergate Still n ipi< ions, the agents asked once more im , |,lt if i< af ion But again, say our HOU ires, the UA dodged.Miffed at mileage testing By Rowland Evans and Robert Novak WASHINGTON — A vicious backstage assault by the White House and the powerful auto industry against the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) has been masterminded by federal budged chief Roy Ash without once talking to EPA director Russell Train. The fight is over whether EPA should be stripped of power to test new automobiles for “fuel economy” — that is, how many miles-per-gallon they can get. Long despised by the auto industry as being run by sophomoric fanatics, EPA hits been measuring miles-per-gailon efficiency of new cars for the past year as an offshoot of its legal mandate to control auto pollution. “lf you took a poll in Detroit, no agency in Washington would Is* more unpopular than EPA,” a top-level Ash aide told us. The auto moguls claim EPA findings are unfair and amateurish. So, in accord with the Nixon administration’s well-established rule of cottoning tq big business and ignoring the consumer, Ash’s Office of Management and Budget (OMB) has been plotting a switch of the fuel-economy role from EPA to either the commerce department or transportation department — both safely industry-oriented, But behind the White House effort to strip testing from the consumer-oriented EPA is a more dangerous game which looks suspiciously like a clandestine administration effort to gut its own autopollution controls program. The target was spelled out by an EPA emission-controls expert in the terse language of this confidential memorandum to Train April 26: “What we see as really involved In the proposed move of fuel economy testing out of EPA is an effort to emasculate EPA in any future fight over the auto emission standards... All real influence depends on the ability to obtain, assimilate and use information." That memo, signed by deputy assistant administrator Erie Stork, said that what saved the clean air standards act during last winter’s critical gasoline shortage was EPA’s control of engineering and technological data on which emission standards are bast'd In short, once it loses power to tell consumers how many miles-per-gallon a new car will make. EPA is convinced it will next bt' plundered of its whole emis- CVANS NOVAK sion-controls authority. The likely benefactor: the commerce department, never famed for protecting consumers. Throughout this backdoor attack on EPA, Ash himself has never once discussed the problem with Train (although for the first time this week lower-level DMH officials began talks with EPA). In contrast, Ash has had lengthy chats about EPA with Detroit moguls, such as Ford’s president Us* Iacocca, who came to see Ash in his office the first week in March Ash told us he also has discussed the rape of EPA with Secretary of Transportation Claude Brinegar, who might win the mileage-test mg program, and with top commerce department officials. Ash, whose immense power in the Nixon White House' is still growing, told us that "satisfying the consumer” is the main reason for the projected shakeup. During the |>eak of the energy shortage, Ash was Mr. Nixon’s chief henchman in warning EPA that its emission standards were wasting vast amounts of scarce gasoline. Indisputable car-owner anger over EPA’s emission controls was exploited by Ash to pressure EPA to relax its congressionally*imposed standards EPA admits shortcomings in its own mileage-testing and is now correcting them. But the most compelling part of its argument for retaining mileage-testing is incontrovertible: the testing is done in Detroit as part of EPA’s emission-con-trols testing and costs virtually nothing. As Stork said in his memorandum to Tram Any other agency would face a mammoth job of letting up facilities ” To Ash, as guardian of the President s budget, that would seem to be good reason in itself for leaving EPA in charge But Ash’s goal in Hus matter is not saving money but satisfying the automotive chieftains iii Detroit \ ;

Clippings and Obituaries for the Cedar Rapids Gazette