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Cedar Rapids Gazette (Newspaper) - August 5, 1974, Cedar Rapids, Iowa Ct4 ti rtf ftttpid* Editorial Page Scot! An indictment is not a conviction, and I don't know anything about any milk!' r^Mur Monday, August 5, 1974 Nixon’s confessed mistakes WHAT IS THE MOOD of President Nixon in reacting to the stress and strain of mounting Watergate pressures? Seeking an answer to that question, the Christian Science Monitor sent its able Godfrey Sperling to find one. Summing up impressions drawn from a number of interviews with close friends and staff aides of the President, as well as with recent visitors, Sperling concluded that Mr. Nixon has “climbed out” of the deep depression that enveloped him last summer but remains “a very troubled man.” Perhaps the most incisive paragraph in Sperling’s article was this one: “Also — most recently — the President confided to a visitor that he now feels he has made two major mistakes in his handling of Watergate: He thinks he should have never given up any of the tapes. And he is convinced that he should never have let H. R. Hal-deman and John Ehrlichman leave his side.” Tri other words,” Sperling continued, “Mr. Nixon was confiding that he wished he had ‘stonewalled’ even more than he a:-tually has on Watergate.” That admission, if true, reemphasizes that the President has repeatedly failed to anticipate the true public reaction to Watergate decisions. It also manifests again his acceptance of advice from aides who, apparently, are equally insensitive to how the public will react. Instead of building a substantial, sympathy-creating case on his’ assertion that as Chief Executive he holds complete responsibility for acts performed by staffers in his name, now he says if he had to do it over he would take steps which might have got him in still deeper trouble with the public. Refusal to release the tapes, once it became known they were available, and failure to fire Haldeman and Ehrlichman, could have led to even worse disasters than the course he chose. But the real pity is that, even on reflection as on early impulse, the nation’s leader has not seen fit to express publicly any moral indignation or regret over Watergate and the events that led to it. His indignation, if any, seems to be channeled more in the direction that Watergate and subsequent events were discovered than that they happened in the first place. How sad, in a nation deeply needing moral leadership. How distressingly sad. On the button IOWA university’s new basketball coach, Lute Olson, gets “about 94 percent of maximum potential” out of his players IOO percent of the time, reports Al Schallau, transplanted Iowan who touts Olson from a West Coast vantage point. About 94 percent, eh? Such precision reminds of one of those TV sports interviews we’d all like to see. Newshound: “Coach, now that Wrobleski’s hamstring is on the mend, would you say he's running at about 90 percent?’’ Coach: “No, Charlie, we figure it’s about 87.394 percent.” Hoover centennial This promises to be a momentous week in neighboring West Branch, where the public has been invited to join in observing the 100th birthday anniversary of Herbert Hoover, only Iowan ever elected President of the United States. The week will build to a climax on Saturday — Mr. Hoover was born Aug. IO, 1884, in the tiny cottage occupying its original location at the Herbert Hoover National Historic Site — with the possible appearance of President Nixon. Events leading to the big day include an old-fashioned three-day Chautauqua starting Tuesday and free to the public. It will recall the day when Hoover was active in government and Chautauqua brought whatever culture there was to the small communities of the Midwest in the early 1900s. Starting Wednesday, at the Highlander in Iowa City, will be three days of seminars by scholars who have devoted much of their study to the Hoover era. Those interested in improving their knowledge about the late President should find the topics most interesting. They deal with Hoover and the bunking crisis, his farm policy, his foreign policy, the Quaker influence on his presidency, his court nominations, his progressive concept of the presidency, his feelings about the World Court and League of Nations, and “Hoover and Roosevelt and Historical Continuity”. Mr. Hoover’s work with boys will be recognized with the presence of some 5,000 Boy Scouts, as well as members of Boys clubs. Girl Scout and Camp Fire Girl groups also w ill be there for this historic occasion. It’s a once-in-a-lifetime observance that offers something of interest to everyone. People’s forumProfit-glut To the Editor: A tov* nikht^ ago on TV, President Nixon gave his version of beefin# inflation and #ettin# a balanced economy. Namely, “increase production — the public must save its money and not buy — o|x*n the door to foreign imports — lay off 4(1,000 government people — decrease government spending. ” What happens to all the goods with '‘increased production” causing a surplus if the public does not buy but "saves its money" instead especially with all the cheap "foreign imports" that would be thrown on the market if trade barriers are lifted? Many businesses would be forced to lay off employes ItecaUM* of over-production of goods causing warehouses to be overloaded, and there would tx- an enor mous number of people unemployed in other words, a major recession brought on by magic leadership in Washington, IX These last few months the oil industry’s profit was increasing and congress was concerned about it. But back a few years when General Motors profit was over $400 million, nothing was said Then it went to over $1 billion net profit, but the auto industry did not reduce the price of ( ars. Instead they have increased every year, and next year they will go up by more than $300 due to government standards that must be met. In Saturday’s paper (July 27), General Motors’ profit has dropped, six months’ earnings of 1974 were a mere $420 million compared to a $1 K billion for the same six months in 1973. the lowest figure in lh years. They will probably call it a disaster area and ask for government help to maintain their bi I lion-dollar profit. Why doesn’t the government make them roll back their prices as they did the food industry'' The meat packers are claiming losses — Wilson-Smclair claims a $955,OOO loss, while the auto industry continues to make enormous profits with no rollbacks or even a slap on the wrist from the government. They should be forced to reduce the prices on cars and make only a fair profit, as these cars are recalled each year due to sloppy workmanship. lf the food industry puts out work like that, it is rejected by the I SIM and disposed of before it gets to the buyer All new (ars should have to be government inspected also They can only, kill somebody; they don’t make people sick as spoiled food can do. Vernon Mrstik 2729 Southland street SVV Sir, could I try it on? Sitting President; don’t disturbBy Russell Baker LET US TRV to imagine how hard it is being V ice-president Ford these days. Here, to help in the exercise, is a summary of a meeting that might occur almost any day between the gentleman from Michigan and his old friend in the Oval Office: When Ford entered the Oval Office, the President greeted him briefly and apologized for not standing up, but said he was so exhausted from working on the great problems facing America — to wit. the economy and world peace — that he did not want to waste energy on unnecessary formalities. He asked if Ford had something important to talk about. Ford replied that he had been traveling the nation proclaiming the President's innocence of any wrongdoing in the W atergate affair and wondered if the President would do him a favor in return .Would Nixon be good enough to tell him, Ford asked, where the button was kept The President said what button Ford said the President knew what button It was the button that nobody liked to think about, he said. The President said Ford must be talking about the button that set off Ronald Ziegler, producing the dreaded thermoziegler holocaust. Since that particular button was highly classified, he said, he was not at liberty to disclose its whereabouts to vice-presidents Ford apologized for intruding into exclusively presidential matters and said he had good news. He planned to go to Ohio to predict that the President would not Im* mi|>euched by the house, and he wondered if tin* President would let him take a peek at the Lincoln room The President said the bed wasn’t made in the Lincoln room, lf Ford wanted to see it at a later date bt* could ask his congressman to put his name on a list of favored constituents who were given special tours of White House rooms not open to the public. Ford said that would really be swell. He added that he was planning a trip to Mississippi to predict that even if the President was impeached by the house he would never be convicted by the senate, and he asked Nixon if he, the President, would tell him a secret Nixon said what secret. Ford said he just wondered, that was all. how the President got in touch with Henry Kissinger when there was a big international crisis The President asked Ford what he wanted to know that for Ford said he lust wondered, that was all. The President said Ford could just quit wondering because when he, the President, went — if he went — he was going to take Henry Kissinger with him. Ford '■.aid that was swell, and he wanted to tell Nixon about a speech he intended to make in Nevada, in which he was going to predict that even if the President was impeached bv the house, convicted by the senate, and put out of office, he would go down in history as one of the greatest Presidents the country had ever had Ford added that Mrs. Ford wanted him to give the President her best wishes and to ask whether the White House had its own laundry facilities, or sent everything out; and. if it did send everything out, what days pick-ups and deliveries took place. Nixon asked what Mrs. Ford wanted to know that for. Ford said the President knew how women were. Nixon asked again, loudly, what Mrs. Ford wanted to know that for. Ford replied that he knew the President was busy and would come back again when he had some fresh speech predictions to disclose. Nixon said there was no great hurry since he, Nixon, would be sitting right there in that very chair until noon on Jan 20. 1977. Ford said he knew that and was glad of it. but one thing worried him. Nixon asked what worried Ford. Ford said he was worried that the chair might not be comfortable enough. He suggested that the President let him, Ford, sit in the chair to test it, a chore for which he was eminently qualified since the job required him to do nothing but sit all day and preside over the senate. Nixon said for Ford to take his hands off the chair. Ford explained that he was just worried, that was all. As he left the office he paused at the door to tell the President that he was looking great and to ask how much the White House electricity bill came to each month The President said what did he want to know that for and good bye Congress’ esteem index Panel-of-38 helps a littleBy Louis Harris SINCE IT began to move toward resolving the impeachment issue, congress has somewhat improved its standing with the American people. Twenty-nine percent of the public now gives congress high marks on its performance, up from 21 percent last January. However, 64 percent, more than twice as many, say that the job congress is doing this year is no better than "fair" or "poor". As congress confronts the President on the issue of impeachment, it is worth noting that the 29 percent positive standing accorded congress is precisely the same as that given to President Nixon in the same survey. By any absolute standard, both the President and congress are presently held in low esteem by the American people. Between July 17 and 21. a national cross section of 1,447 adults was asked Now let me aik you tome specifics about the this poor’ How would you rate the lob congress ii doing year — excellent, pretty good, only fair, or lent OOOr July, 1974 29 - 64 7 January 21 69 >P february, 1973 38 45 I 7 1970 26 63 I I 1969 • 34 54 12 1968 46 46 8 1967 38 55 7 1966 49 42 9 1965 64 26 IO 1964 59 33 8 1963 33 60 7 Only twice before, last January and in 197(1. has congress received lower marks than presently from the public. But at no time since 1968 has anything even close to a majority of the people given congress a high job rating People were asked to assess congress’ performance in ll key areas The crosssection was asked lob congress is doing How would you rate congress on (read list) — excellent, pretty good, only fair, or poor? Working for peace July Jan in the world Positive 35 x Negative 56 X Not sure 9 X Handling the Watergate affair Positive 34 19 Negative 60 72 Not sure 6 9 Keeping the U S, strong militarily Positive 33 ■ Negative 56 X Not sure 11 X Handling impeachment proceeding! against President Nixon Positive 27 11 Negative 65 71 Not sure 8 18 Handling the energy shortage Positive 19 IO Negative 75 82 Not sure 6 8 Inspiring confidence in government Positive 18 IO Negative 75 82 Not sure 7 8 Handling relations with President Nixon Positive 16 I I Negative 77 79 Not sure 7 IO Keeping the economy healthy Positive 12 13 Negative 82 80 Not sure 6 7 Handling taxes and spending Positive 8 x Negative 85 x Not sure 7 M Controlling inflation Positive 7 6 Negative 88 88 Not sure 5 6 impeachment proceedings, there are some distinct signs that action by congress has basted public confidence The chances are that a decisive vote on impeachment will help congress' standing with the people. Indecision despite mountains of testimony is a condition which the public feels is intolerable. On the economy, congress is receiving as much public criticism as tin* Nixon administration. There is a powerful mandate for congress to control federal spending, which a large majority feels is the single greatest contributor toward continuing inflationary price rises. On energy, some of the previous criticism of congress has slightly abated. All in all, the picture of congress as seen through the eyes of the potential voters this fall is not one to cheer incumbents, Yet, the trend is upward from Hu* low point of last January, and, if congress can act decisively in the historic impeachment process, it is just possible that the American people will give the house and senate reasonable marks bv election time. Evidence for this is suggested bv the fact that the house judiciary committee, while not held in very high regard with a rating of 36 percent positive, nonetheless outscores congress as a whole when people are asked what kind of job it has been doing. C Ste OOO tribune New York News Syndicate Keeping down the coil of living Rotative Negative No! sure * Ned aik na in January 5 90 5Louis Harris (hi not a single of the above issues does congress emerge with anything close to majority approval from tin* public At the same time, on the issue of Watergate and Detroit busingLandmark enduresBy James J. Kilpatrick WASHINGTON - The supreme court took a constructive step last month toward bringing a little common sense to the lunatic realms of school desegregation. In the process, the court moved away from the racism that had begun to pervade this field of the law The court's 5-4 decision iii the Detroit school case is* wrongly described as a new landmark in constitutional law No new constitutional principles were fashioned. The court did not turn its back upon tin* principles enunciated long ago in Brown v. Board of Education Those principles stand W hat the court held in the Detroit case, and all that it held, is that remedies for unconstitutional sch<M>l segregation must be applied within the school districts in which the constitutional violations occur There is nothing very remarkable in this It is patently unfair to punish the children of suburban school districts by compelling them to be bused long distances, like so many head of cattle, merely to promote desegregation somewhere else. Numbers game The majority opinion, written by Chief Justice Burger, applies on its face only to “inter-district” proposals. The opinion also serves to squelch some of the dizzier theories of "racial balance” that were gaining ground in the lower courts. In Detroit, the district court had undertaken to assure that “no school. James J. Kilpatrick grade, or classroom” would have a disproportionate number of black or white pupils. But the Constitution, said Burger, does not require any such proportions. The numbers game is no longer to be played. It is high time, in my own view . that the court made this clear. In recent years a tendency has developed for courts to treat children solely in terms of their race. From the most tender ages, children are assigned, bused, reassigned, shifted, paired, clustered, zoned and classified for one reason only: John is w hite; Mary is black An awareness of race is thus bound to permeate the child’s consciousness from kindergarten. The most pernicious practices of South African apartheid could not promote a more pervasive racism than U. S. district judges have promoted through their desegregation decrees. Remarkably, even the four dissenters in the Detroit case seemed to agree that "racial balance" remedies have gone too far. Justice Byron White wrote a dissenting opinion in which Justices Douglas, Brennan and Marshall joined. White made the point that courts must not lose sight of the central educational function of the sch(M>ls. “Viewed in this light.” he said, “remedies calling for school zoning, pairing, and pupil assignments become more and more suspect as they require that school children spend more and more time in buses going to and from school and that more and more educational dollars bt* diverted to transportation systems.” Another bizarre notion, accompanying the "racial balance” concept, has been gaining ground in lower court decisions. It is the notion that "white flight” is somehow unconstitutional Mobility The majority’s opinion in the Detroit case may dispose of that nonsense. If white families choose to move from the inner city to the suburbs, their action may be uncharitable; it may be unchristian; it may be morally reprehensible and educationally regrettable But it is not unconstitutional. So long as governments take no deliberate acts to foster racial segregation, families must be free to live where they wish In u bitter dissent. Justice Thurgood Marshall saw the majority opinion as a "giant step backwards.” On the contrary, the opinion may prove to be a modest step forward If one result of the Detroit decision is to move the nation away from court-ordered racism in which children are treated like black and white mice in judicial laboratories, perhaps we can begin to think in terms simply of schools and not in terms of racially balanced schools Thai was the meaning of the Brown case 2D years ago It is good to have that meaning reaffirmed Wn%hir>uHin Star Vvriij't ut* Cultivation Th" young sow wild oats The old grow sage San Francisco Chi ann. ;

Clippings and Obituaries for the Cedar Rapids Gazette