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This newspaper page contains 30 articles. Subscribers can read the full text of each article.
Newspaper
Mitchell Capital
Location
Mitchell, South Dakota, United States of America
Date
Sep 30, 1904
Page
4
The piece argues farmers favored by Republican policy in 1896 and 1900 chose gold standard and then supported McKinley, noting progressive protection, Cuban reciprocity, and rural free delivery as key gains. It claims Democrats mimic Republican positions, while praising party achievements and urging farmer loyalty at the polls.
The farmer rejects support gained through deception and refuses to back fraud. He emphasizes honesty and integrity as essential to credibility and trust in agricultural dealings and community relations.
Democratic newspapers condemn mudslinging while defending the candidate’s record. The New York Tribune argues that exposing past actions and ties of the opposing candidate is legitimate political discussion, and urges voters to focus on the candidate himself rather than ad hominem attacks.
John S Wise of Virginia argues Roosevelt embodies a robust democratic temperament across his varied career. He contends Roosevelt would confront any usurper or monarchist with vigor, contrasting Roosevelt’s decisive action with Parker’s reserved democratic platitudes. Wise predicts Roosevelt’s easy victory based on public preference for real democracy and aggressive leadership.
The writer attacks the Democratic party’s campaign in vague terms, labeling it droft and undisciplined. It accuses the party of nominating moderate figure-heads for discredited ventures and claims the DNC and Tammany intend to buy or steal success. Bryan and Williams are cited as voicing vague socialist promises.
David B. Hill spoke in St Louis about Parker position on money questions saying he did not know Parker’s stance. Hill and Parker have long been closely linked, socially and politically. The remark probes Parker’s suitability and suggests Democratic leaders may mislead voters if true or false.
The article argues Democrats are noncommittal on tariffs and questions whether trusting tariff revision to the opposition would lead to free trade, industrial malaise, and lower farm prices. It notes Tom Watson praising improvements in workers’ conditions and mocks a return to Jeffersonian scarcity.
A historical reflection praises German camaraderie and fidelity as exemplary, noting Stouter Fairbanks spoke in Indianapolis on September 3, 1899. The text also asserts Republican protection policies bolster the home market for U.S. manufacturers while forging a leading export nation status.
The text argues that China and India offer cheap labor, but this leads to persistent poverty and hunger among their populations. It claims cheapness does not translate into access to goods for the masses, highlighting unmet needs despite low costs.
The piece critiques the Democratic party’s shifting positions on silver, tariffs, and the Philippines. It highlights Parker’s pledge to act for the Philippines “now” and the later qualification “as soon as it can prudently be done,” arguing this rhetoric avoids hard commitment and mocks the party’s expediency. The piece cites the New York Times view that independence for the Philippines would be rejected by voters and labels the pledge as folly and political maneuvering.
The piece argues that the iron and steel industry’s rapid growth under Republican rule boosted national wealth, wages, and wages across industries. It contends Democratic plans would harm steel prosperity and, by extension, U S economic strength and prestige abroad.
The 1900 slogan Prosperity at Home and Prestige Abroad won broad support in 1900. The author argues it should appeal even more in 1904 as four more years of Republican rule bring greater prosperity and rising international respect for the United States.
Democratic campaign managers clamor to sway the party rank and file by claiming all Democrats are working hard for Parker. The split within the party appears sharp as activists debate strategy and loyalty.
The text notes growing disaffection within the Democratic party as Bryan supporters split. Neither Bryan Democrats nor Hearst allies will back Parker. In New York Bryanites back a Populist slate for Watson. New Jersey Hearstites form the People’s Democratic party to oppose the regular party. Indiana and other states see Bryan and free silver factions challenging Parker.
The Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen held a Buffalo convention on September 13 with about 5000 attendees. Grand Master Hanrahan praised Roosevelt for joining the union as an honorary member, arguing his stance would reduce strikes and foster peace in industry. The crowd erupted in cheers, lifting hats and shouting support for the President as stage organizers watched in silence. The union studies no political action but endorses Roosevelt across party lines.
A Cumberland telegram reports Henry G. Davis will cap his Democratic vice presidential contribution at 50,000 with his brother Col Thomas Davis of Neyser sharing a similar amount. Daughters Mrs Elkins and Mrs Arthur Lee reportedly object, while John I Davis is said to have followed suit. The note recalls a prior election where Davis money yielded little result and mocks the political spendthrift image.
Marshall P Wilder delivers a politically tinged joke about a teacher and a class of boys asked if they want to be President. One boy Willie remains silent and confesses a Democrat status, prompting the teacher to exclaim that this disqualifies him, delivering the punchline.
The text contrasts Republican and Democratic policy on labor wages and industrial protection. It argues Republicans protect industries with protective laws while Democrats, citing Cleveland, prioritize maximizing work for artisans abroad by removing tariffs. It notes coal consumption peaks when mills run full time and critiques Wage-earners organizations for not delivering consumer benefits.
The text criticizes the Democratic party as fatally wrong on money matters from resumption of specie payments after the war to the gold standard. It asserts the party is constitutionally unfit to handle financial questions.
The narrative records harsh trials on the desert fringe marked by heartbreak and failures largely outside personal control. Under national irrigation, these conditions may improve, bringing hope for a brighter outcome.
A historical discussion questions William Jennings Bryan’s stance on Alton Parker. The piece notes Bryan’s recent speeches for the Democratic Party, his prior opposition to Parker, and his Commoner writings claiming he had nothing to take back. It ponders how he will explain past positions on anti trust and labor planks if he campaigns for Parker.
A derisive look at Judge Parker and the Democratic split as visiting editors hear Parkers admonition. The piece mocks the tar water metaphor and notes regional dissensions, attempts at unity, and the enduring ties to Tammany within Parker. It recalls Bishop Berkeley praising tar water but notes its obsolescence.
William J. Bryan cites a candidate who would surrender to Hill and Selmont before the convention, arguing such a man would not resist their influence after election if successful. He warns delegates could wield too much power over a candidate’s future.
The piece argues forty years of GOP governance drove progress while Democratic leadership brought stagnation. It claims tariffs mirror outcomes, with Democratic tariffs causing adversity and Republican tariffs fostering prosperity, urging acceptance of history’s verdict.
The passage mocks the Democratic party by contrasting support for prohibition with opposition to enforcement and favoring a Panama Canal with rejection of the steps needed to secure it.
The piece argues Maine will forecast the election outcome. It notes Republicans hopeful in some states, while Texans mock, and Roosevelt supporters press on. It highlights Esopus fuss over votes, Gassaway writing checks, Wh Will Has’s chilly stance, and a public judgment tide favoring Roosevelt.
The piece defends President Roosevelt against claims of overstepping constitutional powers in issuing the age pension order of March. It explains the law guiding pension amounts for Civil War veterans with permanent disabilities, cites the Interior Secretary's authority, and asserts the President acted within constitutional and statutory bounds.
Eugene A. Merrill of Minnesota Loan and Trust Company argues that Parker's election could unsettle business. He says the ruling party's policy is known and continuing would cause no difficulties, while the opposition, if in control, might trigger temporary contraction in business and finance until proven conservative.
Tom Taggart is consumed by the inscrutable meaning of Judge Parker’s acceptance speech. He studies it from morning until night, even reading it in the bath at Ireneh Lick Springs. He believes the message will become clearer with each reading and expects full understanding by campaign’s end.
The speaker states that David B. Hill plans to retire from politics next January after having long vilified the Republican half of the American people. He disclaims calling President Roosevelt a fraud and suggests Hill seeks to end his political career at peace with all men.
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