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Cedar Rapids Gazette (Newspaper) - July 31, 1974, Cedar Rapids, Iowa t vCftlnt ftapitta $n-)tMt Editorial Page Wednesday, July 31, 1974 GOP    opts for 14 AS THE CAMPAIGN wears on, differences between the Republican and Democratic state platforms will be examined here in some detail. For the moment, suffice it to say that the GOP platform is easier to digest — containing about IOO planks to about HOO in the Democratic platform. Of course some differences stand out with very little reading. Republicans, for instance, call for restoration of the death penalty under certain circumstances. The Democrats are silent on this subject. Democrats want to lower the HO percent majority requirement for passing certain bond issues to a simple majority. Republicans are silent on that. Republicans are for limited amnesty and make it clear they disapprove “blanket” amnesty. Democrats call for “universal and unconditional” amnesty. , One wonders whether it is worthwhile to devote much time to studying party platforms any more, inasmuch as it is a political fact of life that the legislators who, presumably, are supposed to carry them out don’t pay much attention to them. • In the final analysis, it seems that it is a party's legislators who actually decide its policies by the kind of legislation they pass, rather than the assembled delegates in convention. Leaving platforms for the moment, then, we’d like to compliment the Republicans, who have copied some party fundraising and organizational ideas from the Democrats in the past. for leading the way in limiting the membership on their state central committee Ut 14, rather than LM) or 28. The proposed Republican party constitution suggested two state committee members from each of the six congressional districts, plus the national committeeman and committeewoman. The state convention, wisely we think, rejected efforts to enlarge membership of each district, first to four and then to three. In contrast, the Democrats decided on four per district plus their national committeeman and committeewoman. In the past, state law has limited membership to two per district. But the last legislature changed that law, leaving it up to each party to make the membership determination. Experience in other states with large committees indicates that (1) it is difficult to get a majority of members together at times and (2) they are unwieldy. Result: virtually every controversial question winds up in the hands of a much smaller subcommittee — defeating the idea of participation the large committee supposedly fostered in the first place. With a small committee, Republicans will find themselves in a much better position to make decisions promptly, without the necessity of sidetracking them to subcommittees, thus delaying the decision-making process. Anything    that    eliminate* unnecessary delay in political party decision-making, without losing the vital element of representativeness, is worth trying. Baseball’s private club MAJOR LEAGUE baseball, which thrives on myths, has generated two whoppers in connection with the vigil awaiting the first black manager. Fable No. I. as exploded by Gazette Sports Editor Gus Schrader the other day, is that the racial barrier will topple when a “qualified” black comes along. To appreciate the absurdity of that requisite one need only to notice what is required of a manager: pick a lineup, decide when to change pitchers and know when to use a pinch-hitter (a challenge now minimized in the American League, where pinch-hit specialists now bat for pitchers each time around). Good managers are ones who do not prevent good players from winning; badmianagers are those w ho invariably manage to snatch defeat from the jaws of victory. Fairy-tale No. 2 in the first-black-skipper guessing game is the belief that several Negro field bosses will follow the trail-blazer just as Larry Doby, Sam Jethro and Roy Campanella followed Jackie Robinson onto the playing field 27 years ago. This theory.overlooks the fact that the 24 big-league managers and three or four recently discharged ones comprise a very private fraternity. Here, for example, is Clyde King, whose lackluster performance at San Francisco is no impediment to his succeeding Eddie Mathews at Atlanta. Eddie will turn up pretty soon at Oakland — after Al Dark has moved to Milwaukee, that is. And here, happily managing at Houston, is Preston Gomez, who, as a San Diego skipper, once yanked a pitcher tossing a no-hitter through eight innings in favor of a pinch batter who struck out and a reliever who promptly blew the game — all of course at the home field, where a no-hitter would have hypoed attendance. Indeed, membership in the exclusive managers’ club seems to change about as often as the Chicago Cubs win the pennant. To crack the lineup, would-be black managers may need supreme court justices as arbiters or black general managers as potential employers — or a combination of both mmmmm People s forumSlow golf To tilt' Editor I would like to comment on it recent letter concerning the use of marshals or officials to speed up play on public golf courses. This is an excellent idea if we plan to chance our course names from municipal to private-speedy foursomes only. The idea behind a municipal golf course is to give every citizen of the community the opportunity to learn the game and above all enjoy it Not everyone can afford professional instruction, and playing a par 3 course does not supply the challenge of a regulation Course. So I think it s important we allow beginners the same courtesy and privileges the regular goiter expects I have played golf in quite a few states around Iowa and feel we would have a right to gripe if we were charged three times what we now pay, as do man> courses iii surrounding states Paul Black 2211 Kennel! drive SU Barred To the Editor As we were dining in a restaurant, we struck up a conversation with a family at our neighboring table In tho course of the conversation, it was brought to our attention that this woman had been denied entry into a downtown restaurant. as she was medically confined to a wheelchair There was no apparent reason for her being denied entry to the restaurant Sin* was dressed appropriately, according to the dress code posted on the door This is discrimination. We would like you to print this to alert the public that this kind of action is being permitted Sue Hubbard .HIH Forest drive SE Kelly Murphy 1% Forest drive SF]Coupon givers To the Editor I have written many times on behalf of the senior folks asking for Betty ( rocker coupons Now they have their bus. but need extra coupons for gas and repairs Previously, the* dear folks sent coupons to me. but I have been sick for so long and have been in hospital I am not able to take care of the coupons any more but would appreciate their being sent instead to Mrs Dibble Hardy, Apt ft. 2251 < street SVV, or to F'ranees F ranks, Apt 13, 2255 (’ street SVV They both still go to clubs that I am not able to attend any more And thanks to all the dear people for sending coupons so older folks can be enjoying life. Helen Kohl 131 H»‘d Wing road SVVWeird spot for staunch civil righter By James J. Kilpatrick WASHINGTON — You could turn tin' Washington beat into a metaphorical Mesabi Range and never find a story riche! in irony than the story of Joe Rauh, the great labor unions, and the National Right to Work Legal Defense aud Education Foundation Joseph L. Rauh. jr., is one of the most colorful characters in town He is a big. rangy guy. with the mobile face of an old Shakespearean actor At H3, he >s a top contender for the title of the Greatest Civil Righter of Them All. Rauh possesses every conceivable credential in the field. His degree, naturally is Harvard law He was a clerk to Justices Cardozo and Frankfurter He was for many years counsel to the United Auto Workers F'or the past IO years, he has been general counsel for the Leadership Conference on Civil Rights. He is a trustee of that intellectual zoo in Ohio Ile is a former chairman of Americans for Democratic Action. He is a life member of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People Turnaround And whai has old Joe been up to lately? His major purpose in life just now is to strangle the civil rights of nonunion workers. He is bent on destroying a legal aid foundation whose charter is patterned precisely, paragraph by paragraph, upon the charter of the N AAC P’s Legal Defense Fund. He is determined to win a court order directing disclosure of the names of contributors to a private fund. Holy smokes! How come.’ This astounding tergiversation has resulted from the tailtwisting and nose-tweaking of the right to work leaders, who six years ago established a fund “to render legal aid gratuitously to workers James J. Kilpatrick ‘Unemployment, inflation, high food prices, impossible interest rates, bad leadership . . . and this is the GOOD side of the world! •ntf M i'M--Mf 4#- who are suffering legal injustice as a result of employment discrimination under compulsory unionism arrangements, and to assist such workers in protecting rights guaranteed to them under the Constitution and laws of the United States.” As noted, the language was adapted directly from the NAACP’s identical fund Over these past six years, the Right to Work Fund has managed to make a real nuisance of itself — at least in the eyes of Kl of the largest and most powerful unions in the country. The F’und has involved itself in 50 lawsuits seeking to protect the civil rights of workers Little by little, against great odds. the F’und is winning some precedents that may give the little guy — the kind of little guy Joe Rauh once fought and bled for — a fighting chance against the brute power of organized labor. Last year the ll) big unions ganged up. lured Rauh as chief counsel, and brought a suit to drive the Right to Work Legal Foundation out of existence. Their chief weapon, to add to the ironies, is a provision of the labor management reporting and disclosure act, once known as the working man’s Bill of Rights This provision prohibits “interested employers’’ from financing or encouraging lawsuits by workers against unions Rauh’s theory is that the F’und is a mere conduit.‘a sham or front, for union-bust-mg employers \ couple of weeks ago, Rauh won a round. He got an order from Judge Charles R Richey of the I S district court in Washington, compelling the Foundation to surrender a list of IWO employer contributors Richey is a kneeled liberal who has swallowed Rauh’s theory whole, that the nonunion worker has no civil rights a union is bound to respect Eyes only In a ludicrous restriction upon this compelled disclosure, Richey lias ordered Rauh not to show the list of contributors to anyone except union officials, labor goons, bully-boys, and other interested parties The Fund, of course, is desperately appealing Richey’s order II the disclosure order sticks ttie Right to Work F und would find itself iii the same peril asserted by the NANCI’ when the Commonwealth of Virginia sought a list of its members in 19H2. Tile supreme court finally rejected Virginia’s demand It is marvelous, is it not, to find Rauh on the other side of a disclosure issue What is tin' old civil righter doing there'’ II Rauh and his Ut Goliaths win. ther*-will be no way — no way — for nonunion workers to defend themselves effectively against the discrimination, abuse, physical violence and deprivation of civil liberties imposed by compulsory unionism Those who truly believe in civil rights will pray that Hie Greatest civil Righter of Them All falls flat on his old Shakespearean face Wallington Mo' Sj'i't'' House gone, senate targeted Stunned Nixon men shift gears By Rowland Evans and Robert Novak WASHINGTON — Belatedly aware that their hard-line defense has failed to impede certain impeachment by the house, President Nixon’s strategists are mov ing toward an eleventh-hour tactical shift: a soft-line undermining of the impeachment case's factual foundation for use in the senate trial With pessimism saturating the White House, the immensity of Oval Office miscalculation is sinking in The Nixon White House, as so often before, entirely misread political footprints other politicians understood for months Mr Nixon’s most trusted supporters in the house have informed him he is irrevocably dead there, an assessment concurred in by presidential assistants Thus, the trauma of the nationally telev ised proceedings has resulted in two White House reassessments: F’irst. Mr Nixon’s strength among house Republicans and southern Democrats has suddenly evaporated. Second, the President’s strident counterattack strategy has been exposed as counterproductive That means tentative White House strategy at least in the immediate future will be relatively nonflamboyant. By contending the factual case against him is vague, Nixon strategists hope to keep the anti-Nixon margin in the house as low as possible and build a case for the senate. But there is no longer certainty Mr Nixon can pick lip the one-third plus one votes needed in the senate. Such a somber view of Mr. Nixon s prospects resulted from televised proceedings smashing the dream world at the White House. Although an impeachment vote by the house judiciary committee has long been expected, the evans NOVAK Nixon camp was stunned by its size, the identity of some pro-impeachment Republicans and. particularly, the overwhelmingly favorable impression of the proceedings given the nation over television. Specifically, the vote for impeachment by Rep. Walter Flowers, an Alabama conservative Democrat, crumpled Nixonite hopes of a steadfast Dixie bloc “Ile hurt us bad,” admits Rep. G. Y. (Sonny) Montgomery of Mississippi, the President’s most vocal southern Democratic supporter. Instead of 40 southern Democrats supporting him, the President may have only half that number The Republican situation is worse. House Minority Leader John Rhodes of Arizona almost surely will vote against impeachment. However, a rising house Republican leader — Rep Barber Conable of New York, chairman of the GDP policy committee — could start a Republican stampede toward impeachment Conable has been shaken by charges that President Nixon tried to subvert the Internal Revenue Service While believing his upstate Republican constituency opposes impeachment, he is determined to vote strictly on the basis of ev idence lf so loyal a Nixon administration supporter as Conable defects, well in excess of 30 Republicans could follow This grim prognosis suggests to some presidential aides that fighting impeachment by counterattacking has proved calamitous. Press Secretary Ronald Ziegler rushing from the President's office to damn the judiciary committee as a “kangaroo court” was deeply resented by White House colleagues. “We have to keep that (expletive) bigmouth Ziegler shut up.’’ one senior aide told us Moreover, some presidential assistants belatedly feel Mr Nixon’s defense should not follow the partisan emotionalism of New Jersey's Rep Charles Sandman Their model is the legalistic, reasoned defense by Rep Charles Wiggins ut California White House aides privately talking of Mr Nixon taking national television time to defend himself are hoping he would not follow his normal passions into a tirade against his enemies Rather, they hope that he would analyze and refute the 50 “incidents” listed by committee counsel John Hoar as justifying impeachment While that will not prevent impeachment by the house, the White House desperately hopes it might help in the senate trial Two other options are open to the President One is resignation, but hardly anybody in congress now urges that course. F'or example, Rep. John Anderson of Illinois, chairman of the house Republican conference, was berated last spring when he suggested resignation and will not repeat that recommendation today The other option was offered weeks ago by another member of the Republican leadership: Rep Louis Frev of Florida, chairman of the research committee Frey urged that tin* President request the house to send articles of impeachment quickly and without debate to the senate so he might have a fair trial It was summarily rejected by the White House as a gimmick to take congressmen off the hook, a view that surely remains unchanged Time and options are running out in the view of the White House. The projected shift to a primarily legal rather than wholly political defense for the senate trial may be the best way left open for preservation of the Nixon presidency PubiisSprs hoh SyndicateInsights P'HIMIIIJU JI' The greatest dangers to liberty lurk in the insidious encroachment by men of zeal, well meaning but without understanding Louis Rrandeis Desperation powers sensed Dictatorship declarable in U.S. By Tom Tiede W ASHINGTON — Richard Nixon may be losing all the battles lately , but there are macabre whispers here that he still has an “atomic” way to win the war Today or tomorrow the President could simply declare his emergency a national emergency and then, by decree, seize all communications media, commandeer all power plants, confiscate the control of transportation and transportation routes — and perhaps even stop the impeachment proceedings in congress. Impossible in America’’ Not at all \e-cording lo authority granted by congress the President has the right and obligation to suspend much of the nation s Constitution in the event he and he alone deems it necessary. Until now these powers have been ignored or shrugged off by most Americans But the times give them new meaning. An autocratic President, battered by adverse court and congressional decisions, could well become an American king .Actually there is nothing new about the situation, only about its relevance The day after Franklin Roosevelt took office iii his first term, 1933. congress began a process of handing over emergency controls to the executive office Since then, says a senate committee formed to investigate the matter, legislators have granted Presidents some 470 major emergency powers Some nl the powers have in fuel been continuously in force since FDR’s era U S citizens are not allowed to trade with the enemy or travel to restricted areas of the world The defense department regularly (277 times in 1970) negotiates contracts without observing the laws of competitive bids During one recent and confusing stretch, Americans were forced to suspend capitalism and live with price and wage controls “No doubt about it,” says an interested representative, “in some ways we’re already living under a dictatorship ” But it could get much worse if the President wished. No one of responsibility suggests that Richard Nixon contemplates the thought, bul given the hard legal facts the scenario is unavoidable. Says a top Democrat, a Nixon enemy: “Suppose a President decided impeachment was too close All he’d have to do is take to the air and announce that the nation’s government, thus its security, was coming unglued For that reason, he would say, he was declaring a state of martial law and thai any citizen contributing to a breakdown of order, including congressmen, would tic jailed without trial ” No doubt such a move would tic decidedly unwelcome in the land. Aud probably dcicatcd by mass insistence. Tom Tiede F.ven ii a President received cooperation from his military commanders, the republic’s individual soldiers would likely rebel Vigilantism might result — threat iii itself — but the eventual outcome would lie a suddenly impeached and convicted Executive as well as a badly wounded America Yet Hie prospects for a happy ending to such a predicament are not enough. Two years ago the senate named a special committee on the “termination of national emergency’ to look into the ways of reform William Miller, committee director, says the emergency powers are a threat to every citizen and a loathsome blot on the Constitution; he also says the committee work is almost complete and a bill of repeal is being prepared for hasty presentation to congress Unfortunately, the repeal proposal may arrive on the Hill at just about the same time as the motion to impeach Naturally, the latter would take precedence; all normal business in the house will cease for the impeachment question Therefore, Miller says glumly, activity on emergency powers is still a few miles download No it is, ironically, many of the congressmen who will be debating the President s fate are the same followers who previously put their own fate iii the province of his office And theoretically at least, the President is still the man with the biceps Fasten all seatbelts America is facing an exceptionally hazardous journey A «.«.(„ Kit inn ;

Clippings and Obituaries for the Cedar Rapids Gazette