Page 1 of 15 May 1838 Issue of The Philanthropist in Cincinnati, Ohio

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The Philanthropist (Newspaper) - May 15, 1838, Cincinnati, Ohio.4 us a a a it a it a to re it a by a t to nth in t a published by the executive committed of the Ohio state anti slavery society. Are verily Allty concerning our to Raller "1,. A a Quot a 0bigibw4jj�?o a lit pm a pubu8hs0 weekly tolf anti slavery society a Hwy a of main 4 sixth three tsp no innate Ohio. Ja3ib8 boy lib pull sinus of feat Bollan and a fifty cents Llan if not paid till the expiration of the y ear. Inters on a Minett should be directed to the publishing those relating to the editorial department to the by Ito. >1� ii coms pot peicl., a Jug a a my anti slaver y. of Massachusetts. Co if iwo cd slavery in the territories. Many of the petitioners ask the legislature to declare that Congress has the Power to abolish slavery in the territories of the United states and that this Power ought to be immediately exercised. S. That the general Power of legislation Over the territories exists As insisted on by the petitioners none a of the committee have the slightest doubt it not Only belongs to the government of the unit red states As a necessary incident to its sovereignty in those places within its jurisdiction which Are deprived of the Ben Fife of state government but is expressly recognized and provided for by the Constitution. In the 3d Section of the 4th article is this clause a a the Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make All needful mles and regulations respecting the territory and other properly belonging to the United this has always been construed and according to its obvious meaning to include a right of exclusive legislation Over the territories which May be transferred to another body or exercised directly by Congress. Judge Story says Quot a the Power of Congress Over the Public territory is clearly exclusive and Universal and their legislation is subject to no control but is absolute and United unless so far it is affected in the stipulations in the Cessions or by the ordinance of 1787, under which any part of it has been 3 Story a comm. 198. See also Rawl on const. 237. American inst. Co. R. Carters 1 Peters r. 511. As the Only territory % in which slavery exists is not subject to either of these exceptions the entire control of its institutions belongs to Congress subject Only to the general provisions of the Constitution. Slavery As exist ii g there being matter of legislation is then tolerated and upheld by Congress and May be removed at its pleasure. And when we remember that the ordinance of the old Congress of 1787 was in vie w of the framers of the Constitution and the people who adopted it it cannot be doubted that the Power Over slavery in the territories was granted and with a full knowledge that it might and indeed was Likely to be exercise in. But while the the committee Are unanimously of this opinion As to the right and would by no Means deny the duty of Congress to abolish slavery in the territory of Florida where a it exists a Raa Jority of them Are led to the same inclusion at to a declaration of opinion by the i it legislature 7 expressed in relation to the District of Columbia. The slave Trade Between the states another prayer of one class of the petitioners is that the legislature should declare that a cd on Gross have the right to abolish the slave Trade Between the states a and that a it ought immediately to exercise in this is perhaps the most important Power which is attributed to Congress Over the subject of slavery and yet it has not often been discussed. Some of your committee had doubts upon this subject at the commencement of their investigations but the result of their individual study and interchange of opinions has been to remove those doubts and Uliey Are unitedly of opinion that Congress does possess the Power to regulate or entirely prohibit at its discretion the Trade in slaves As in any other article which is made the subject of Commerce Between the different states. They Are Able to give their reasons for this opinion Only very briefly and imperfectly. The Power is expressly Given to Congress by the con Sti Eutimi Art 1, a 8, a to regulate Commerce with foreign nation Al turf among the act Era of Slafca and with the Indian tribes it has been decided that the word we fierce As used in this Section embraces a the buying Selling and interchange of commodities As Well As navigation and indeed the Justice of the first Branch of the definition has never been doubted and the Gestin which was made in re it Gard to the last has Fineen settled by the supreme court of the United states. Gibbons v. Ogden 0 Wheaton a r. 189. Brown v. Maryland 12 Wheaton a b 449. 2 Story a comm. 506, it Seq Commerce therefore Between the states in the Purchase Sale and interchange of every thing which is rightly or wrongfully made its subject May he regulated by Congress. And this regulation May be either the prescribing of Rales for the government of Trade and Intercourse or by the entire prohibition of any particular species of traffic Between different states or the Transfer of any particular class of persons and commodities from one state to another. These principles seem to be Iffie Dantly settled and upon the Best of reasons. It if to be remarked also that precisely the same Power is Given to Congress and in the same words Over Commerce Between the Stales and Over Commerce with foreign Naii Odst if then it exercised without questions and on what Princi pie can the last be denied a the argument is briefly and clearly stated in a memorial prepared and presented to Congress on a the prohibition of slavery in the states a in 1819, in behalf of the citizens of Boston. The names of the committee borne upon the memorial Sre Daniel Webster George Blake Josiah Qumile James t. Dust end John Guison. A the Constitution declares a say they a that the migration or importation of such persons As any of the Stetes now existing shall think proper to admit shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the year 1808. It is also Mamie Otthat the Constitution does contemplate in the very terms of this Clauto that Cou is possesses the author i to prohibit Tho migration or importation of slaves a. For it units tiie exercise of this authority for a Spe. Rial Peru gtd of time leaving it to its full operation 4 afterwards. And this Power seems Newessa Fily included in the authority which belongs to Congress to regulate Commerce with foreign nations and among the several states. No person has Ever doubted that the prohibition of the foreign slave Trade was completely within the authority of Congress since the year 1808. And Why certainly Only because it is embraced in the regulation of foreign a Monieree As if so it May for like reason m prohibited since that period Between the states. Commerce in slaves sprite the year 1808, being As much the subject of regulation As any other Commerce if it should see fit to enact that no slave should Ever be sold from one state to another it is not perceived How the constitutional right to make such provision can be the committee have heard of but two objections to this View of the question both of which they will briefly notice. U it is said in the first place that the Power to regulate is not a Power to destroy and that under this authority therefore co Gross May prescribe Rales for the government of Trade and Intercourse Lut cannot Proli Btl them. It May tax and govern but it cannot annihilate Commerce. But May it not interdict Trade in a Partt Aular Ai tide or class of articles this is the question Lere. If it cannot then certainly the Law against the foreign slave Trade is unconstitutional for the objection would apply As Well to the foreign As the Domestic slave Trade. Neither of them could prohibited according to this principle and the men Are innocent sufferers under a void enactment whom we hang As pirates. The objection is undoubtedly borrowed from that which was made against the embargo Law. Act. 22 dec. 1807. Even if these were Paral Al Casek and the same principle was applicable to both the objection would fail for the constitutionality of the embargo has been affirmed in All the judicial decisions and is now generally admitted. United states v. Brigantine William 2 Halls l. J. 2551 sergeants const Law 306. Kent a comm. 405. 2 Story a comm 509, 161-2-3. Gibbons a of Den 9 Wheaton or but the objection does not even derive countenance from the opinions of those who maintain the want of Power in Congress to pass the embargo. They admitted that Congress might prohibit Trade in any particular species of Commerce not embracing All its articles or might prohibit it As to any particular place or for a limited time and they objected to the embargo Only because it was a perpetual act against All foreign Commerce of every kind and this they said was a annihilating a not a relating Commerce. But their admission would include the right now under discussion and their doctrines instead of denying would affirm the authority of Congress to interdict the foreign slave Trade and the same Trade Between the states or this would be the prohibition a of a particular species of Commerce a and not of All Commerce. See former references it is said again that Congress cannot exercise this Power Over Commerce in the suppression of tiie slave Trade without a violation of the spirit of the Constitution because it was Given to he used Only for commercial purposes. construction has Little foundation in fact reason of authority. It would Dot Only stamp the act prohibiting the foreign slave Tunde As an my spation but Reader void Nearier Mentzy Congress relatmgl5coramfic�r or. Justice store in his commentaries vol. 2, pp.-5l8-19, enumerates some of the objects and purposes to which the polirer to a ulate Commerce May be constitutionally applied. Among these Are Revenue prohibition retaliation tiie laying of embargoes Mere political purposes the encourage meat of manufactures quarantine see amp a. A in All these cases he says a the right and duty of Congro have been conceded to the National government by the unequivocal voice of the people a and yet hardly one of them Iff Sipply comm Efcic a. A Power to regulate Commerce says or Justice Story again a is not necessarily a Power to Advance its interests. It May in Given cases suspend its operations or restrict its advancement or scope 2 comm. 531. In the language of judge Davis 2 Halls Law journal 273, a the Power to regulate Commerce is not to be confined to the adoption of measures exclusively beneficial to Commerce itself or tending to its advancement but in our National system As in All modern Sovereign ties it is also to be considered As an instrument for other purposes of general policy Aud these principles which Are decisive against the objection last named Are Fopp ded in sound rules of construction of the constr Filion and in accordance with the expressed intention of its framers and have been adopted hitherto in the practical administration of our government your committee Are All of opinion that this Power ought to be exercised by Congress in the suppression of the Between the Statos a Trade which has grown up almost entirely within a comparatively late period and is admitted to be justly odious in its character. Over this Trade Congress not Only has the control but it has it exd sively. The states Between whom it exists can have no effective Power Over it hut must look to the general government for the removal of its evils. The statesmen in Virginia partic Darly have expressed the greatest Abhorrence of its com Mon and necessary features but although she might not plead the exemption and May be jealous of what she might Call Federal interference yet it is nevertheless True that Virginia As a stale is not responsible for any consider be share of the evil even As exhibited within he own Borders. The government of the United states is responsible for with her Only is the Power adequate to its suppression up to the year 1820, it would seem that the slave Trade which has since been so vigorously carried on Between the North Eastern and South Western of the slave states was hardly known the statesmen of Virginia were sensitive at any suggestion that this proud Commonwealth Shouk cruel accompaniments of that hateful traffic from buy be a distance of one of a this great space and even a much greater you must witness the transportation of slaves with the usual appendages of Tai id cuffs and chains. The ties of Domestic life will be violently rent asunder and those whom nature has bound together suffer All the pangs of an unnatural and cruel separation. Unfeeling Brce stimulated by unfeeling avarice will tear the Larent from the child and the child from the Parent a the husband from the wife and the wife rom the husband. We have lately witnessed something of this sort during the period of High prices. Gentlemen of tie South particularly those rom Virginia who speak of their slaves As part of their family would Start As this. They would reject with scorn and Indi Gatior even a suggestion that they were to furnish a Market for the apply of slaves to the other states. But can any one Tell what cupidity May win or neck suit tort of mails Superior to the a saults of fat tip Mii a nil if Tif were die Ever habitually Supply the subject of such a traffic the following remarkable passage in the admirable speech of John sergeant of Philadelphia on the Missouri question will show something of the state of feeling on the subject. In comparing the prophecy with what has since become fact one is almost led to wonder at their striking coincidence see 18 Niles Register 884. A All Liberal minds in All parts of the Union have with one voice agreed in the necessity of abolishing that detestable traffic in human flesh the slave Trade the foreign slav Trade but reject the amendment on your table admit Missouri without restriction and you will inevitably introduce am establish a great Inland Domestic so Avert not it is True with All the horrors of the Middle passage nor the Cool blooded calculations upon the waste of human life in the seasoning but still with Raan a of the odious features and some of the most la Tia Dia rata come upon a stroke of death will come and break Down his paternal government and then the slave dealer whom he would have kicked from his enclosure like a poisonous reptile presents himself to whom he cannot Tell a How graphic is the picture and How exactly is the prediction been fulfilled very soon after this the Active Trade in slaves which or. Sergeant had foreseen commenced and Las been steadily increasing eve since. In Niles Register for 1820, published at Baltimore we find the following testimony vol. 35, p. 4. Dealing in slaves has become a Large business. Establishments Are made at several places in Maryland and Virginia at which they Are sold like cattle. The places of Deposit Are strongly built and Well supplied with Iron thumb screws and gags and ornamented with Cowskin and other whips oftentimes in 1836, this Trade from Well known causes was greatly stimulated and probably in that year Tione More than one Hundred thousand human Leipus in the Northern slave holding states were sold to strange masters to be carried to the Southwest. In Virginia alone it is estimated by intelligent men that at least forty thousand were thus sold. The committee will not Trust themselves to give a description of the horrors of this traffic in their own words. But surely they cannot be accused a harshness or extravagance if they quote the i Guage of distinguished gentlemen of the South jiving their estimate of its cruelty and wrong. The subject was discussed in the debates of the Virginia legislature in 1832, and none denied the Kiel character of the Trade. Or. Gliomas Jeffers a Randolph then and now a popular and influential member of the lick Slature of that Commonwealth thus describes it a it is a practice and an increasing practice in Wirts of Virginia to rear slaves for Mamet. How c ii an honorable mind a Patriot and a Lover of is a wintry Bear to see this ancient Dominion Ren dated illustrious by the Noble Devotion and Patriot Isi of her Soi in tie cause of Liberty converted inti one grand menagerie where men Are to be reared for the Market like oxen for the shambles is i is Mere in it Gejo Rose Ian the iffy slave track a that Trade Wimch enlisted the labor of tic and Wise of every Creed and every clime to Botsh the foreign trader receives tie slave a Strainer Inja Guage aspect and manner from the Merman who has brought him from the Interior. Theties of father Mother Ipi band and child rely been tent in Twain before he receives soul has a Comdr callous. But Here sir whom the master has known from in fancy whom he has seen sporting in the innocent Gamotis of childhood who have been accustomed to loot to him for Protection he tears from his Mother arms and Sells into a a strange country a amok a Trange people a subject to cruel taskmasters the wits of the committee will permit them to quote on More Only of the Many descriptions of this traffic by those who Best know its character. The following is from the address of the presbyterian 8 of of Kentucky to the Church leg in 1835 a a brothels and Sisters parents and children bands and ivies Are torn asunder and permitted to see each ther no More. These acts Are daily occurring ii the midst of us. The shrieks ask the agony often witnessed on such occasions proclaim with a trumpet Tongue the iniquity and cruelty of the Stem. A there is not a neighbourhood Elfere these heart rending scenes Are not displayed. There is not a Hills or Road that does not behold the sad procession of manacled outcasts the chains and Mournful com tenancies Tell that they tre exiled by Force from All that their hearts hold dts a. If the Trail of. These pictures is admitted and who will deny it who can doubt that the duty of removing the evil is imperative and if Congress is the Deposit by of the Only Power adequate to this object cd it refuse to exercise it without incurring a responsibility too heavy to be lightly thrown off Aid too sacred to be neglected without guilt ail the committee Are of opinion that the prohibition of this odious Trade has become the so Leifton duty of Congo Jsse and a Raa Jority believe that it is required of Massachusetts that she should through her ijet8lature, make a Deslar Tiou of her senti Fuents subject. The a Mission of new states. Another class to of petitioners request a declaration of the legislature of Massachusetts that a no new state ought to by omitted into the Union whose Constitution Shkil rate Domestic Massachusetts As we As her sister states of new York Pennsylva Airia new Hampshire and others has on another occasion some years since made the declaration Ani such undoubtedly is the Well settled opinion Vifot circumstances exist which Render the renew expression of. This sentiment expedient if not a imperative duty. The committee have now considered All the subject committed to them and submit As the result of their Delibes talons the accompanying resolves 1. Relating to Elmery and the slave Trade in the District of Columbia and territories of the United states. 2. Relating to ii slave Trade Between the different states. 3. Relating to Tea admission of new states into the Union. The subject have been separated into Claay is to prevent the embarrassment always attending the combination of questions involving different principles and so that each May be submitted by itself to the consideration of the legislature the a Mittee have thus completed their labors which though arduous have not been Unin Struett be. The result is with the legislature. It is highly imply Tant that the precise Boundary Between the Powers of the National and state governments on this subject should be defined and established. It is said indeed that if the Powers which we have considered should be exercised by the Federal government they would be a followed by attempts to use the same authority to abolish slavery in the states. There can be no ground for such a suggestion. It is admitted by All that Over slavery in the states the National government can have no control and it is a singular argument that the exercise of an authority constitutionally granted would be a precedent for usurping a Power which is withheld. It is said too that National action upon these subjects will has a a tendency to overthrow the institutions of the South by enlisting the moral sentiment of the country against them. If by this is Mani that the deliberate ii i Tony of a Gaia St slavery expressed in Ite Public acts might Ead to the accumulation of a Strong moral Power nation generally and probably in the South itself against the institution everywhere there May be much truth in the assertion. But even if would be wrong to regard this incident As an object certainly is not a result which furnishes any argument against an act which in itself is required by nations Justice consistency and the common Good. The South might fist As reasonably have demanded of Pennsylvania and the other Northern states that they should not have abolished slavery or object to the discussion in View of the same result which is now going on in Kentucky because it would create a Public sentiment against them As for the same reason to oppose the exercise by Congress of the Auto Jority with which the Constitution has invested it and from the great responsibility attached to which it cannot if it would be free. All of which is respectfully submitted. For the committee James c. Alvord Codman. 0the a Buoi a do article car the initial and is unquestionably from the pen of Wiiiiam Ellk it chairs ii to. From the Christian Register and observer a in the w Bst-indie8. Or. Editor a it has been Gratifying to witness the various ways in which the Community has desired to testify its respect for the late or. Bow ditch. That a Man who made no noise in Public life and whose mind was Ven to abstract studies should be so honoured is a proof that the world Are beginning to understand better than formerly the True titles to veneration. It is Well known that or. Bowditch was distinguished by his sense of Justice but one of his manifestations of this principle is not so generally known. I refer to his i foe interest on the question of slavery. He Felt keenly the greatness of this wrong. He cheered by his empathy the friends of the he lamented that Public opinion among us on this subject was so Low and faint but in his last conversation with me he expressed his conviction that totter views and feelings wit ii regard to it were spreading through this Community to is due to the cause of Justice and i Manity that the part Skiff i tic Idyk in iii qtte�1toii��dcl be known. Speaking of slavery i wish to Reco Menil to your Reader a Book just from the press entitled emancipation in the West indies a and written by j. A. Thome and j. H. Kimball who had visited those islands to enquire into the great Experiment now going on there. I regard it As the most important work which has appeared among us for years. No Man without Reading it should under take to pass judgment on emancipation. It is something More than a report of the observation and opinions of the writers. It consists chiefly of the opinions conversations letters and other documents of the very inhabitants of the islands whose judgments Are most Trust worthy of the govern of special magistrates police officers managers attorneys physicians amp a and in most cases the names of these individuals Are Given so that we Howe the strangest evidence of the correctness of the work. The results of this great expert rent surpass what the most sanguine could have hoped. It is hardly possible that the trial could have been made under More in Oracle circa la stances. The planters on All the islands were opposed to the act of emancipation and in most exceedingly and fiercely hostile to it and utterly indisposed to give it the Best Chance of Success. The disproportion of the coloured race to the Whites was fearfully great being that of so Ven or eight to one whilst in our a Lave holding states the Whites outnumbered the coloured people. The slaves of the West indies were less civilized than ours and less fit to be trusted with their own support. Another great evil was that the proprietors to a considerable extent were absentees residing in England and leaving the care of their e suites and slaves to managers and owners the last people for such a Trust and utterly unfit to carry a Pic wretched victims of their tyranny through the solemn transition from slavery to Freedom. To Complete the unhappy circumstances under which the Experiment began the act of emancipation was passed by a Distant government having no intimate knowledge of the subject and the consequence was that a system of apprenticeship a As it was called was adopted so absurd and betraying such i Oranee of the principles of human nature that did we not know otherwise we might suspect its author of intending to produce a failure. It was to witness the results of an Experiment promising so Little Good that our authors visited three islands particularly worthy of examination Antigua Barbadoes Anc Jamaica. Our authors went first to Antigua an Island which had been Wise enough to Forsee the mis clime is of the proposed apprenticeship and Hai substituted for it immediate and unqualified emancipation. The report Given of this Island is most cheering. It is indeed one of the brightest records in history. The account beginning Page 143, o the transition from slavery to Freedom can hardly be read by a Man of Ordinary sensibility without a thrill of tender and holy Joy. Why is it not published in All our newspapers As among the most interesting events of our age from the accounts of Antigua it appears that immediate emancipation has produced Only Good its fruits Are greater Security the removal of the fears which accompany slavery better and cheaper cultivation of the soil increased value of real estate improved mor Ais More frequent marriages and fewer the people proclaim with one voice that emancipation is a Blessing and that nothing would tempt them to revert to slavery. Our Auto ions proceeded next to Barbadoes where the apprenticeship system is in operation and if any proof were needed of the docility arid Good dispositions of the negroes it would be found in their acquiescence to so wonderful a degree in this unhappy arrangement. The planters on this Island have been More disposed than could have been anticipated to make the Best of this system and Here accordingly the same fruits of the act of emancipation Are found As in Antigua Tho a less abundant and a very general and Strong conviction prevails of the happiness of the change. In Jamaica apprenticeship manifests its worst tendencies. The planters of this Island were from first to last furious in their hostility to the act of emancipation and the Effort seems to have been to make the apprenticeship Bear As heavily As possible on the coloured people so that instead of preparing them for Complete emancipation it has rather unfitted them for this Boon. Still under All these disadvantages there is Strong reason for expecting that emancipation when it shall Ponie will Frovar great Good. At any rate it is hardly possible for the slaves to fall into a More deplorable condition Tolian that in which this interposition of parliament of find them. Q the a Ltee of Success which has attended this Experiment in the West indies under such unfavourable auspices makes us sure that in this country accorded by the Good will of the masters would be attended with the happiest effects. One thing is Plain Titan it would be perfectly s�/5?, never were the West indies so peaceful and secure As since emancipation. So far from general massacre and insurrection ii not an instance is recorded or intimated of violence of any kind being offered to a White Man. Our Auto ions were continually met by assurances of Security on the part of tie planters so that in this respect at least incan citation has been unspeakable gain. The Only obstacle to emancipation is therefore removed for nothing but Well grounded fears of violence and crime can authorize a Man to encroach one moment on another a Freedom. That the work of messes Thome and Kimball is tincture in a measure by their repossessions we cannot doubt a for however honest they Are Luman. In truth such favourable results As they report Are almost too Good to he True. Still the essential truth of the Book cannot be doubted. It carries the Marks of upright purpose and its main materials Are of unquestionable authority. Indeed deductions May be made from the testimony e aut Siors and enough will be left Tii establish conclusively the safety and benefits of emancipation. The subject of this Book is of great interest at the present moment. Slavery in the abstract has been thoroughly discussed among us. We All agree that it is a great wrong. Not a voice is Fere lifted up in defence of the system when viewed in a general Light. We Only differ when we come to apply our principles to a particular Case. The Only question is whether the Southern states can abolish slavery consistently with the Public safety other and peace Many very Many Well disposed people both at the North and South Are possessed with vague fears of massacre and Universal misrule As the consequences of emancipation. Such ought to inquire into the ground of their alarm. They Are bound to listen to the voice of and such a Given in this Book. None of Effii iils be a Fig his a re ii Init minds without in quirks or to rest in opus Dos adopted insolently and without t thought. It great crime to doom millions of our race to brutal degradation on the ground of unreasonable fears. The Power of Public Opin on is Here irresistible and to this Power every Man contributes something so that every Man by Lis spirit and language helps to loosen or rivet the chains of the slave. A w. E. C. Arge of the Congress. Import bit official. Letter. Washington March 22, 1838. Sir a the members of the House of reprise ii tatty is of the United states from the Commonwealth of Massachusetts now in attendance on the session of Congress have received tie communication made by you in behalf of the committee of the lick Slature to whom were committed the petitions of a great number of citizens praying the legislature to protest against the Resolution of the House of representatives of the 21st of decent Ler 1837, and to demand that it May be rescinded. After adverting to flip fact Flat much sensibility Las been manifested in Massachusett a at the manner in which the resolutions of her legislature of april 1837, were disposed of under the Resolution of the House of representatives of the 21st of december 1837, request of the facts in relation to the disposition of those resolutions and the views of the delegation Here of the action required of the Commonwealth under the circumstances of the Case. The resolutions of the legislature were prese in ted to the House by or. Cushing on the 18th of september 1837, at the special session of Congress and were Laid upon the table under a general order the House of the 11th of september which suspended the action of the House on All matters not embraced in the presidents message at the commencement of that session until the annual session in december. As the Resolution of the House complained by the legislature of Massachusetts had expired with the House which adopted it no occasion existed at that Lime for any action of the House in relation thereto. That Resolution was adopted by a vote of 129 to 69 on the 18th of january and was in the following words Viz a resolved that ail petitions memorials Raco Lions pro to fictions or papers relating in any Way or to any extent whatever to the subject of slavery or to tie Abri item of slavery Ali without being i intend or referred be Laid upon the table and that no further action he had thereon. A similar Resolution had been adopted at the first session of the 24th Congress on the 16th of May 1836. A revised edition of the Resolution of the 24th Congress was introduced into the 25th Congress for the first time on the 2lst of december �837 under circumstances unusual and it had its origin in a convocation of members of the House and it is believed of the Senate also from the slave holding states. In the presence of the House while in session and also at the adjournment of the House on the 20th of december it was announced that a meeting was then being or about to be held in one of the committee rooms the House which the members from the slave holc ing states were invited to attend. At the meeting thus called and assembled the Resolution was agreed upon and a gentleman designated to pre sent it to the House. Accordingly on the next Day it introduced into the House by or. Pat ton of Virginia under most rations from the me Ting after the rules and orders of the House Hac been suspended for the purpose of receiving it by the requisite vote of two thirds of the members present which however would not have been obtained if All the members who voted against the Resolution had also voted against the suspension of the rules. On introducing the Resolution or. Patton submitted some remarks to the House in relation to it and among other things said that a it involved so far As he himself was concerted and so far As concerned some portions of the representatives of the slave holding states a Concession which they held to he very considerable. He considered it however As a tidy sacrifice to the peace and Harmony of the country he also be presented that a the desire of those with whose concurrence this Resolution was offered was to extinguish and not to kindle the flame of discord Harf excitement in the country. He concluded Bis remarks by moving a the previous which was married and thereby All discussion was prevented on a Resolution interdicting in expo Terina All anti. Inep Bate upon or even tie Reading of d class m Pebb tons and memorials embracing As great a number of petitioners As can be found on any clan of petitions on any other subjects Ever presented to Congress at any single session Wiit the exception perhaps of the petitions a inst the annexation of Texas to this Union. This Resolution agreed upon by a minority of the House separately assembled out of the House was adopted by a majority in the House without time being granted for deliberation or Opportunity for discussion and Many of the mesh tvs int majority were not admitted to participate the cow oils from which emanated this Mcmo Rabl concision As it has been is called to the right of petition. The journal of the House of Pic 21st of december 1837, contains the following entry of what transpired in the House on this occasion a or. Patton moved that the rules preach thine Lka Ltd Fer of business be suspended for the Purdom of Lefoi Viii sad or ing upon a reel Union in the words follow bag vib resolved that All Petitfuls. Memorials and papers touching the a i volition of slavery or us buying set iii a or transferring of Staves in an slate District of Terri toy Iho United states be Laid upon Tho table a tui living a rebated printed read or referred an that no further action what Ever shall be had and on the questions shall the Rales be suspended for the purpose aforesaid it passed in the it formative. Yeas 136 nays. 60. A or. Patton then submitted the Sikl Russol Alioa Wadi being again read at the clerks table Tho Pravio que Liee was moved by or. Patton Asid being demanded by a majority of the Meliers present the raid previous Qaji astion was put Viz shall the main question be now put and Parade in the affirmative. Yeas lt9 nays s6. A the main question was then put to win will arose a agree to Tbs Resolution i and passed in fee yes. 122 nays 74.�?T it will be perceived on referring to is journal containing the yeas and nays on the preceding questions which is herewith transmitted that the vote of one of our Numier is not entered upon tha journal in the negative on the main question because it consisted of a Jwo test against the re Olu Tion itself As null and void. This Resolution thus pressed through the Louse re asserted All that was exception Able in the Resolution of january 1837, or Tuat was the life meet of in the rce Ohmine of Massachusetts and it was in terms More obnoxious to the charge of virtually deny big tiie right of petition inasmuch As it expressly prohibited the Reading or debating of any of the proscribed class of inti tons memorials and papers. The adoption of this Resolution pop scented new and sufficient reasons for desiring the consid or Tion of the resolutions of Massachusetts with a new to induce the House to rescind its order of the 21st of december and on the 3d of january 1838, or. Cushing called up Tii Ose resolutions. The Roc endings had in relation to them appear in the allowing extract from the journal. A or. Cushing presented Resoluti Oiin a opted by fee legislature of Massac Bralts a upon the ii meet of slavery in Thebie strict of Columbia and the right of petition a heretofore presented to this House on the Isth to Ember 1837, and moved to refer the same to a select committee with instructions to report it Reso Duflon react Diug the or solution adopted by to a is House on the 21st Day of december the speaker decided that the said resolutions of the lick Slature of Massachusetts came within the provisions of the order of the House of the 21st of december Ultimo and would therefore lie on the table and the said resolutions were Laid on the table accordingly. From this decision of the chair no Appeal could be taken with any reasonable Hope that the House would reverse it or make a More just and respectful disposition of. The resolutions of a state asserting that Congress Lead sex divisive legislative jurisdiction Over the District of Columbia and consequently the right to abolish slavery therein by the practical construction and in accordance with the spirit and intent if not with the terms of the order of the 21st of december no petition no Resoluti no paper of any character touching that subject however temperate in its spirit or respectful in its language or however High the source from which it emanates can be debated printed read or referred. It must be Laid upon he table and no further action whate or can be lad thereon. On the 5th of february another Effort was made on the motion of or. Lincoln to rescind the Resolution of the 21st of december. On presenting a memorial from certain inhabitants of Shrewsbury praying the House to rescind that Resolution he moved to refer the memorial to a select committee with instructions to report a Resolution declaring the Resolution of the 21st of december to be a a violation of the constitutional guaranty of the right of petition and subversive of the Freedom of debate in their a preventatives and that it be on this motion the question of consideration was demanded and thereupon the question was stated a will the House now consider it a when a motion was made to Lay that question with the memorial on the table which prevailed yeas 128 nays 75. The motion to Lay on the table has precedence of the motion to consider and is not debate we so that a discussion was again prevented. This was the Only occasion when the yeas and nays were called As a test of the vote of the House on a motion to rescind the Resolution of the 21st of december. Similar motions however have been repeatedly but unsuccessfully made by various members. It thus appears that the House has Elf tally enjoined silence upon tie interdicted topics and has refused to remove the a Junction by a Large and Resolute majority. The order of the 21st of december was not the specific action of the House upon any petition or memorial then before i t. It was an insulated order having no appropriate place in any class of the p. A

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