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Newspaper
Batesville Tribune
Location
Batesville, Indiana, United States of America
Date
Oct 16, 1902
Page
4
The Journal frames a simple question about the coroner race. It notes there is one office and two candidates, and asserts two cannot share one position.
The note claims Nick Volz pays a $1000 assessment imposed by Cornet and distributes ten dollar bills in public places to influence the campaign. It suggests the expenditure will exhaust funds after Lochard receives his salary, affecting the office treasury.
Mr. Jackson gave Joe Scoopmire 308 dollars from the treasury. Had Scoopmire fled with it Ripley county would have suffered, or Jackson would have had to cover the loss. The Journal claims Jackson is too smart to err.
The Herald quotes a dialogue about Johnson and his bondsmen approving a $9,000 compromise and asks when and where Yater or bondsmen voted to pay Ripley County $40,000 or part of it. The piece questions partisan voting records and accountability for public funds.
Mr. Jackson faced questions from church friends about visiting several saloons in Batesville on October 8 and 9 and paying for drinks himself. He does not deny the account because he cannot.
Newton Jackson was in our town last Wednesday night and remained through Thursday and Friday morning. During his stay he made a brief appearance and engaged with local residents.
On Thursday night he and Nick Cornet visited saloons and various business places as part of a coordinated campaign effort. The smoothly run outreach suggests strategic groundwork for the upcoming political balance of power.
The Democratic clique of Laughery township under Cornet's guidance killed fellow townsman John Meyer for defying orders from headquarters. A party organ representative at the locality worked and voted against Meyer but withheld reasons for the action.
Supporters say if elected John Harper will pay out only on proper warrants and is responsible for all money and property he handles. They claim his earnings come from honest toil and fair dealing, and that the people who know him will trust and back him.
The piece cites The Tribune two brands, Merton Chance four, Beveridge none, and questions Herald’s stance. It notes rapid shifts in political color and mocks Jefferson for not recognizing any fixed brand as parties realign in modern terms.
The letter argues Moritz Pegee should replace E. J. Larabee on the Republican ticket. It rebukes The Tribune for praising Larabee and notes Pegee has aided Democratic surveyors for 25 years, suggesting he would assist Shadday if elected.
A letter argues Nick Volz did not pick Francis Lochard as deputy and accuses Versailles Republican of repeating a lie. The writer says Nicholas Cornet, not Volz, chose Lechard and requests an apology to Volz and the Journal.
The nation faces an emergency from coal operators in Pennsylvania's anthracite regions who hold miners and the public at risk. The public and miners seem helpless, but the speaker trusts American intelligence and patriotism to force operators to fulfill their obligations to country and people.
Advertisement touts Scott's Emulsion as the right food for soft bones in childhood. Claims include improved bow legs, stronger joints, and better head firmness with daily small doses. Encourages sending for a free sample and lists Scott & Bowne contact details in New York.
The article notes Democratic leaders and party members largely abstain from trying to settle the coal strike. It cites attempts by President Roosevelt, Senator Hanna, Senator Platt, the Pennsylvania Senators, and Governor Odell, while accusing Democrats of merely criticizing without action.
The piece alleges two years ago Democrats arranged contracts with Republicans exchanging votes for money and carbon copies of ballots. It claims Democrats now threaten prosecution to scare GOP voters but asserts the statute of limitations bars suits after two years, noting both buyer and seller are identified.
The passage argues Democrats with four years in the White House and two in Congress failed to curb trusts. It notes a commission study, delaying action, and credits the Sherman anti trust law to Republicans who supported and signed it against a Democratic minority.
The piece recalls Newton Jackson on Grant Johnsons bond falsely reporting Johnsons ledgers. It argues Jackson hid a known shortage to influence re election and would continue to shield Johnson if still bonded, contrasting his public honesty with private deceit.
The speaker recalls a revenue only tariff during the Cleveland administration and attributes to the Democratic leaders and press a current push for such a tariff. They claim it would tear down industries while building soup houses and reduce travel, predicting a repeat of 1893 to 1897 if Democrats win again, though they doubt that danger.
The Journal questions whether John Harper made a claim about delaying discovery of a Johnson shortage to outlaw it, while noting the assertion would be true if made. It also accuses Newton Jackson of concealing Johnson’s early term shortage to dodge bond obligations.
Leaders of anthracite coal firms in New York, with J. P. Morgan present, agree to submit the coal question to a five member commission chosen by the U S president. The panel will include an engineer officer, an independent mining expert, a U S district judge from the Eastern District of Pennsylvania, a prominent sociologist, and another active participant yet to be named.
Operators and miners look to a commission to settle the coal strike with a three year binding decision. J P Morgan and Bacon met with President Roosevelt and Secretary Cortelyou to advance the plan. Non union workers may be allowed to resume work as part of the proposal, which could flood the market with coal and end the 147,000-strong standstill.
In the final issue the Batesville Tribune asserts county loss of 8308 if not for Mr. Scoopmire repaying to the Treasury. It claims Scoopmire has not repaid and alleges prior mispayment by Newton Jackson of about 308. The dispute centers on amounts and timing of repayments and shortages.
A historical note argues Scoopmire owed Ripley County $2,154.66 while Jackson gave $308 extra from public funds. It contends the bondsmen would cover $1,846.66, while the remaining $308 depended on Scoopmire’s honesty, not Jackson’s prudence, to avoid county loss.
A 1902 wage rise cited by the Republican Times contrasts with unchanged food prices since 1896 as the Journal’s bacon and hog price claim is challenged. The piece argues 64 cent bacon and 2 cent hogs would ruin farmers, urging voters away from the Democratic ticket.
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