Article clipped from The Anti Slavery Bugle

principles of ilie Commotion. I here no doubt that a slaveholder bee tbe liberty of raying what defence of Ireedom end equality, It lr at the risk of th* power of Congres* to ereot Territorial Got- bo please*! lie la curtailed eoinewbat in hi* of hi* life end liberty. Do you doubt Itf It •rnmenla, end to prorlde for the prohibition of freedom of thought nnd liberty of epeeeh. lie ia a faol whiob orery day pruree to bo too true.— Slavery within tbo Territorioe, atiJ I am in faeor Joee not make uae of liberty aontimontr bofjre the' Thia queation of Auti-Slaaery ia na broad aa the of, and would eupport euch a prohibition. people, Should ho do ao, it la at hia own peril.1 wbolo land and atrikea for the liberty of ereryIf Judge Jlanney maintained thtae vrlneiplea fnr he tine laid hlmaell liable to a proteeulion by man, women and child. Shall Ihoy hare it—in n now, ha would bo compelled to out himself off law. And ao It la throughout the whole South ? question for the North to nnawer. 1 hare a friend from tha P,microtia party, and auppon me for N0 ilavcholder, no matter what hia reputation for m the South wbo. In hia letter* tu me aaya, ‘-When Ooaarnor of Ohio—for every ono of the principle* loyally to tho union, nor hia deration to alerory. you write to me don't, for heaven's saltd, ssy a ia that letter are Republican principles— dares to open bis mouth in tbo South and apeak in word about Slavery. Don't eend me any of Sen*-prlneiplee that 1 approre—the only difference favor of liberty and equality for all. | lor Soward'e liberty speeobea. Don't send me theThe second olaaa whom I would mention ie the Tlibun* will, letters and speeches fiom Cbaee and non-sluvaholOors. Those composing this class of Olddlngs. Do permit Garrison's Liberator end parsons in the South aro poor, ignorant and da- j I'UUMpa' apooohes to remain in Boston till I oon.e Judge Uanncy commenced his concluding rpeoch graded. They harc'but low of tho nece»*nrio» of j back”. American Slavery denies to my friend the by saying i lilo-lheir children grow up ignorant. Indolent right of free thought, tbo right if free speech inbetween him end myerlf, ie, that whilo w both believed them alien, he baa apoatalieed, whit I remain in the faith.Perhaps you might expect that I ehould tell you where 1 waa bom and all about that. Mr. Denni-■on told you lie wav born of the people. Now I wainol born quite so miscellaneously ae that [Laughter.| I waa bom of a very honest woman, who is new, I believs In the Kingdom of Heaven. [Criea of Good J Mr. Drnnisoo haa been pleased to read a long Uttar of mine ; but he did not road anything from me that told you to lisng federal officer* for doing their duty. lie say* he has heard a rumor that I had declared the Fugitive Slave Law unconstitutional. Now let me reply to my friend, as lid is aand steeped in superstition. Why is this I auk I Do they choose to be thus poor nnd iguoraul I It is bocauso American Siavory takes away from tliom overy thing in the form of a free tchodt. The doors of knowluJgo aro locked—the patha.thereto blockaded and tho poor non-slnveholdor of tho South must rver remain as he is so long as slatcry exists there as it does to-day. American Slavery lakes from them n free church in which to worship God— it takes from them all incentives to industry—it degrados and oppresses them beyond roeasuro.— Thia the only solution that can bo given ol the matter. There they stand. You are here lo-dayiclassical soliolar. that rumor has trn thousand ladies oud gentlemen, in the full poesession of longues, as she had two thousand years agj, and your freodom—but white men and women, boy* and girls are suffering in South Carolina, Georgia and all tbo Southern States under tho dire effort* of Amorioan Slavery. Dare this olois of persons speak freely without tear o( molestation in thethat sbe bae used two or three of these tongue* to ■et afloat this rumor.The speaker quoted from Webster to show that Webelsr believed the South was treated unjustly by the North in tbs matter that northern men were unwilling to execute the law in regard to the return of fugitive slaves. Dut a Governor has nothing to do wilb this matter says Mr. Denni son. Wbere did be learn that ! Its n pity he bad not mentioned that to brother Cliaeo, who was at lb* head or the mob convention at Cleveland, and who employed the Attorney General to resist the law. Nothing to do with it ! You've both you bal loo much to do with it. Who approved tho Fugitive Slave Law ? Millard Fillmore. Who waa in bis Cabinet advisiug him to approve it ! Why Tom Corwin.Mr. Donnison seems very fond of * jury trial end would secure it for the fugitive. Out suppose a man commit a crime hero and escapes to Ken-tucky, and you go over there to claim hint, making oath to the facts. Doe* lie get a jury trial? No; but he’s a white man perhaps. A white man used to bens good as a nigger, but be aint now.Again—A Dutchman escape* from Prussia, and I* claimed here as a fugitive from justice, and wo send him back all tbe way to Prussia without a jury trial—but then he's only a Dutobman.— [Laughter.]Mr. Denniaon says be has opinions of bis own; h* don't take Gidding* or Tom Corwin, or anybody else as bis guide. He thinks fur himself, for he i* 43 years old. Well now, gentlomen, I'm 45, and I'm something of a foul yet. I don’t begin to know eserythmg.Judge Ranney then prooeedcd to answer Mr. Dennison's questions propounded at a previous debate.Q.—1st. Do you deny or affirm tbe constitutional power of the Federal Legislature to probibit Slavery in the Territories!A—I deoy tbe constitutional power of the Fod-eral Legislature to prohibit Slavery in the Terri lories.Q—2d. Do you deny or affirm the right* of slaveholders to take slaves into the Territories, and hold them .‘here as properly!A—Without the protection of a Territorial law I deny it- Q—3d. Do you deny or affirm tbol a Territorial Legislature may exclude Slavery bylaw; that ie, prohibit by lair tbe bringing of persons into the Territories to be bold as eUvce!A—1 say that tbo Territorial law has power over it.Q—4ib. Do you affirm or deny tho right of slaveholder* in a Territory to domond compernation, in the full value of their slaves, when tho Territory comes into the Union as a Free Statoff A—I deny them tbo flrsl red cent.Q— 5tb. Ate you for or against the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850!A—Pm against it.Q—Gib. Do you approv* or disapprove the Act of 1857 to prevent siavebolding in Ohio!”A—Now here you've got me. for 1 nevor read it, and did not know till now that one hud been passed.BEMABXS OF J. M. LANG8T0NOF ODEKLIN,Before the meeting of tbe Western Anti-Slavery Society, at Alliance, on Sunday, Sept. 4th, 1853.Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen: It becomes mo in the outset of my remarks to you to dsy, to render my thanks to those who have tbe management of Ibis meeting and who give me permission to stand upon this platform this afternoon-I wish to eav, also, that I thank Ood for tbo two bloods that are coursing through my veins to-day. I stand before you as the representative of two classes of persons who are affsated, and seriously affected by American Slavery in thia country.— Siavory strikes its bloody hand at the liberty of every one. There is not a solitary individual who can truly tay I am in full possession of my liberty as aa American eilixen. Go if you please to Banker Hill,—take your etsnd by that marble pile ereoted upon the spot where Warren fell, and American Slavery comes there and lays its heavy and bloody band upon the altars of liberty sod strikes them down. There is no person nor class of persona but should be interested in the overthrow of American Slavery.To shew the working* of Ibis system of slavery upon tbe American, people, I shall dividetbem into four great classes and endearur to show how this gro.it Mulocb, with itsstrong arm strihas down tbe liberties of each andtramples them in the dust. And flrsl, there is the Slaveholder himself. It it affirmed that the Slaveholder, by virtue of his cilixensbip, has tbo liberty ol doing and laying just what he please* upon any toplo, domeatio or political. But is this really •o! Let as take a cat* in Louisiana. There is a law upon their statute books wbieb declares that “no man shall gise utterance in the pulpit, or the forum or at tho bar, to any sentiment that will tend to oraale insurrection among the slaves.— Now suppose that oelobrated jurist and tminent lawyer Soule, in a public mooting of all alusses in that state should gise utterance to such Iso guag* as Ibe following: 1 am a firm believer in the doctrines of our fathers—that all men are created/res and equal, and endowed by Ibeir creator wilb oartain inalienable rigbta among, whiob are life and liberty and lb* pursuit of happiness To git* ulleranos to suob obnoxious sentiment* in Louisiana would he but tb* bsgioning of ao insurrection. Wbere then is Soule! Where tbe boastSouth ! Let a political meeting bo oalled—is the poor white roan there! No. When you have oalled your meeting is he there to say ‘‘Salmon 1*. Chase, the champion of Americun liberty, is my cboioo for Prosidentof the United States I Is he there to say, I am in favor of Senator Soward'e doctrine that slavery should not be pormilled to go into the territories of tho United States, now free!’' No, he is not there ; for American Slavery lias stricken down Ids rights—it has padlocked bis lips •u that bo cannot, nor daro not open them and give free utterance to the lioneet sentiments of his heart. Thus it ie that Slavery respects tho rights and liberties of the whito men throughout the whole length and breadth of tho land. We call ourselves u great people—an honored poople, and wo oomo togothor on every fourth of July and say, Wo believe in Ibe falhorhuod ol Gud and tho brotherhood of man; that Gud has given us liberty — that he has brtowud upon us frceduui uf thought and freedom of speeohjaod that every ono is hound to respect these rights.” Bui is it so! Supposo that Salmon I*. Chase—who bae not his equal as a lawyer, nor as a speaker—suppose that lie should go to South Carolina and should stand up in tho ily cl Charleston to defend tho rights of the poople of all classes and conditions. Can he be protected hcoauso be is Salmon P. Chase! Can be say 1 demand respeet becaueo I am nn American citixcn, nnd get it ! All that will he nothing to tho South. When he tells them who ho is, that ho is the Governor of Ohio, tbo third Stato in tho Atner” ioan Union, a committee, composed of the most respectable and influential men of the city, will wnit upon him and say You cannot givo uttoranoo to suob sentiments here—tboy are inimical to the existence of our institutions— you must loavo this place immediately. You hod a case of this kind few years ago. You sent a man from Massnchu-sels down to South Carolina to look after the lights of Massachusetts seamen who were impris' oned in tba jaile of that State, not bccnuso of crimes they bad committed, but because or tho ool‘ of tboir skic. This wae in those good old Whig days, when all were considered loyal and true to the Union. Mr. Hoar went down to look after tbe rights of the colored seamen of Old MnsencbuBOtt*. What did they do down there in Charleston !— When they bud Icarnod the object of his visit— when they ascertained the purpose for fhicb he was sent, this committee wailed upon him and informed him that bis presence in their midst conld not be permitted—that within a specified time ho must le.ve the city and tho State. What did this while gentleman do and answer them ! Did ho say, you arc mistaken in your man ? Did he answer; I am acititen of tho old Whig State, Massachusetts, a State tliBt has ever been true to the Constitution ! Did be roply—I am a Whig and Daniel Webster is my political Ood-father— I stand hero with my foot planted upon the Constitution and tho Declaration of Independence, and there fore demand tbo respeet duo to me as a eitixon ofth* Slate of Tcnnwsoe and in the city of Nash, ville.A few years since there was Issned a call for a Women’s Rights Convention. In making the arrangements for this meeting the question arose as to whero the contention should be held. The city of Washington was proposed by sumo as tho most suitable place fur holding a convention of that charaotor. Luoy Stone remarked that she was opposed to going to that city because the right of freo speech would bo denied her In the city of Washington. This speech of Lucy Stone reveals the fact that women cannot go to the capital ol “the land of the free and tho home or the brave.” and givo free utterance to opinions upon (he sub-joot of Women’s Rights. American Slavery says, you cannot do it, and there it is. Remember I am now only speaking of white people, not of colored. Why does not Garrison go South and preach his gospel of anti-slavery there! lie certainly has the constitutional right to do so. Why dues not our friend Henry C. W right and Parkor Piilshury go there and utter their freo thoughts as freely as they do tj-day ! It is because American Slavery hoe said—you cannot coma—if you do, you oomo at the expense of your lives nnd liberties. But Democrats toll us this Is *11 a farce—a false notion nnd idoa of the character of the people of the Southern section of our union. Say they, Douglas, Pierce and Buchanan go south, and they ore rot molested hut are protected by Southern institutions. But what is it these men say! Why just what slavery says thoy slinll say. Buchanan is only doing what Pierco and Douglas have donerevolutionary struggle and in Ibe war of 1812— indoed there has been no war in which tbe American people have been engaged, in which the colored man did not bear hia lull share.I close by saying that I am not here t* apeak aa a partisan—I want every tuan nod woman to work in tbe Anti-Slavery eause, day and nigbl, in season and out of sooson, against tlavsry the common enemy of ua all, saying to the slave oligarchy and to ovary influence that protect* it, you shall die. Ltl this ssntimonl bo borne on the froe breeso* of the North to the ears of the slaveholder* of the South, assuring tbem that the tirao is near at hand when they shall bo thorn of their strength— when tbo shackles shall fall Irom tho downtreddon and oppressed, and he he permitted to eland up a freeman and a man. Let us bo true to ourselves, true to the slave, and to the colored men of tho north, and slavery shall soun pass away,before him—speaking nnd noting only n* the South dictates. But when these men shall plant them selvos upon the constitution and demand freedom fur the poor white man of tho South, they will be told, “you cannot remain here and prcuub euch doctrines—you must leave us, and thoy will bo obliged to obey.’Tie not long sinoe your beat Northern Senator was stricken down upon the Sanate floor for dar-ing to givo uttcranco to his own thoughts and opinions. Ho fell only as American liberty fell in him beforo tho despotism of American Slavery.— Taking a higher position, I demand a release from slavery for tho while people of tho North end South and shall never ceaeo to demand it till 1 cease to breathe.I shall next call your altontion to a third clave wbioh is most deeply interested in this subject of slavery, and that class is tho slaves themselves.all understand how he is oppressed, how ho is tortured—bow he has nothing ho oan call his own. He oan do nothing, say nothing for himself. Tbo alavo raisos bis arm and says this is my hand—this is my head, this is my brain and my soul, and the omnipotent God of hoaven is my God. It is then that the slaveholder laughs him to scorn. With the slave, this is all a figure of speech—it means nothing when applied to him, Ho is all bis master's—body, brain, muscles, soul—everything is held as the property of another; is bought and sold as merchandise in the market, heart and brain and soul given in ehsnge for gold. Is not this class of all others most deeply interested in the overthrow of Amer ioan Slavery ! May their sighs which come to us on every southern brecxe find a response in our breasts and croato a determination on our port to work more earnostly for their relcaBo uud for the destruction of that system that alike tratnplse their rights os well as that of the while man, to the ground.The fourth end last class to wliioh I wish to refer you at interested in this groat question, Is tho free colored poople of the North. Their condition in tho State of Ohio I shall use an illustration ol Ibeir condition throughout nil tho freo States of the Union. A deep praelavery sentiment against them pervades the whole country. You see theof this Republic nnd as a representative ol Mass- workings of thin sentiment in the Church, in th.► aehusotts, What did he do—white man aa be theatre, in the schools and colleges,nnd oren in the was? Why he bowed his head in meek submission graveyards. When a colored man goes to your to the slave power nnd said “Gentlemen. I obey church he is invited to lake the back pew .Even in a your command.” and he quietly returned •, and ‘ime of revival*, when he feels os though he jrould Massachusetts’ rights were tiampled down by tbo . draw nigh to God and worship at his throne—wheu slsvo power of the South. The same thing was J you profess to have the love of Ood shod abroad once repeated in New Orleans. The Committee in your hearts, you say to him, 'Take the back quietly waited upon the agent of the North and seals; you cannot come up with us ; you must wait informed him that he too must leave the eity and | to be served ; go up or off somawbere where Godho obeyed, nor dared to do otherwi*e. lie this, you white men, who bosst of your liberty,t ill bear you after a whilo.'In tho eity of New York when that great religwho boast of your Declaration of lodepandendo j ioos revival was going on a low months ago, a col-and of your glorious Constitution and of the pro- ored mao end hi. wife went into the church on. tection they yield yuu-tow ia it, I aay. that you evening and took seats in the body of the church thus yield implicit submission to American Slave- to listen to tho prayers that were offered up at the ry! It proves that Slavery is tho ensmy of the tbroDO ol Grace. Presently a mao oamo along and tapping thorn on the shoulder said, “1 wish to speak to you ; you will find seats for colored people up there in the gaiiory. Go up there and presently soma one will come round and pray for yon.*’ Thoy went, hut aftor remaining there for intne lime and no uDe coming, they concluded to asek religion at some other place, and left tb« church. Thia simple faat shows how we are treated. Go whore you will, this prejudice it the same. Yon find it cropping out in the legislature lt;f the State ol Ohio; you see it in tho laws recently onactsd. You will find it in tbe law which saya to the colored mao, You eaonot beaome an inmate of tbe poor-house, although you are taxed to build and support it.”— You tea it in tho law by whiob oolored msnare ex-eluded from titlieg at juiors—by wbicb unjust aol no colored man is evar tried by a jury of hit peers. You base a law wbicb denies to colored children tbe ad van lags* of your schools. But how Is it when you oomo to tax him. Do you refute to taxbite man, not only in tbe South, but alio in the North, even in tbit glorious Stale nf tbe Union, Ohio. Suppose you have a ton, who, having com. plettd hit education, proposes to go to Kentucky or Tsnneseee to engage in the occupation of a lencb-er. lie is a lover of liberty. Ever from a child have tbe principles of liberty and hatred of op. pression been inslUlod into him, and now be leels the fires of freedom burning in his soul. Just before he takes his departure for the the South, his dear old father «ays to him, “Come here my son, I want to talk to you a little. You are abool to leave us—you are going to the South where it is unsafe lor you to give utterance to the Iree thought* of your own mind. Now tak* thi* advice—don't (ay a word about (bis vexed question of American Siavory—keep your mouth ebut—bold your own aoaafol and eay nothing on the subject of Slavery. The mother also gives him her parting advice : “My dear son, jou era about to go from us-you kuow bow protlaveiy they are down lherlt;-|in Kentucky—now in tho name of tb* love I bear you, keep your mouth abut and do not say anyKIRMJPurei met in being a took thi of the r appoint uioetiuf tlnmbl. kins.MrspointedT. U addresi of meet Forenoi half pa at^jourr wue volConv absent, Tho dressed of the i feront ] Govern ed, and with re AdjoVicereecluti(1) Ithounti date foi dor no a fugiti of the ( or blacl justice ignnran(2) -freedon chief ti furoign Court breodctMr. also di TbetThe lowing Prosid Wm. J Crow ; ExeiMr*. I report The lions, i RestNo. No. T. Mo (3-)indicai in rofe we wo alone tho De tion w from 1 Politic givo tl holder apotog unwill ate ab14)erty a Tore, Res eoutiv cess it; curing adviae15)photic aalulh of tb* parity aucoei tbrouj dawni (0.) yrealei to eht ol our aible, slaver aud irbis property! Not ao. The colored people of Ohio own property to tbe amount of seven millions1 days t of dollars, upon which taxes are yearly levied, uud hi thing upon (bit queation of 81*very—your life | *n*I the eame ie duly paid. It is true that in same | to por will be io danger il you do. With thi* partiug ! plMM *Do schools are opened for the admission of (Adopadvice from bis ioved and aged parents, be takes bit departure from tbe free homes of tbe North, to a situation in tbs land of whips and ehsinv. On bis way, be meets with a proslavery ruffian frnm Kentucky who aay* to him, “Yon Ohioans are all behind tba aga—in Ohio you live in ignoreoce-in Ohio tbers ia no advancement—no improvement. What says this liberty-losing eon of the North!— Acting on the advice of hit pnrents. he repels not lb* insults of this haughty son of th* South, but meekly replies to all, “Yes sir, yet eir, what you say ie all true. If be opens bit mouth tbeie iuoolored children, but it ie not by virtue of the law, I (7 ) but because tb* people are better than tbe law.-- and ie I bop* il ie so in Allianct--ii ie to in Oberlin. J bing t Now in oonolueion let me say that 1 demand act °f that tbs rights of tho oulcred man be restored to,,iu® 1* him—first becaoso we are men. Second, because j *re n,J wo are native born eilixen*— third, in tho nanto of| (8 ) the fathers of tbe revolution tbat nativity gives'the lit eil'.ieuthip—fourth, io the name of that otbor his fa principle of Amcriosn policy that there shtll be tbe Llt; no taxation without rcpre**ntalilt;in--fifib, bectuse^txr u we are patriotic. Tbs culoted wcu fought in tha'uronu
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The Anti Slavery Bugle

Salem, Ohio, US

Sat, Sep 24, 1859

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