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Challenge to Carl Schurz. Boston, Mass., Sept. 24, 1860. Cant. Schurz— Dear Sir: Having been informed that you intend coming to Boston during this Presidential campaign for the purpose of addressing the public upon national affairs, I would ask of you the favor of meeting me, during your visit, for the purpose of having a public discus sion of some of the most important and prominent dogmas in the creed of the Republican party, to all of which I have reason to believe that you subscribe. I would not have intruded on you, sir, especially, but for important reasons.— Bir, you have been heralded throughout the country as an eminent exponent and defender of the Republican creed and an ardent supporter of Mr. Abraham Lincoln for the Presidency of the United States, a candidate representing only a section of the States compensing the confederacy. More than this, you are put forth as the representive of the sentiments to the great majority of the ‘‘intelligent’’ adopted citizens of German birth and extraction. Now, sir, I expect that you will accept this challenge more readily, when I inform you most respectfully that I am also an adopted citizen, and, like you, an exile for political reasons; that I have labored for the cause of a free and united Germany as touch as any other man, and that I here sacrificed a lucrative positon and the so ciety of my nearest relatives and friends, to live and die a free man. Having been an eye witness and an actor in the epoch of 1848 and 1849, I have learned enough to be here conserva tive, whereas I was at that time a revolu tionist. I sanctioned and supported the revolution, because it was an attempt of the people to strike at those rights and liberties of which they were deprived by a system of absolute monarchism and sham constitutionalism. In March, 1848, the German people gained their liberties and rights. The representatives of German knowledge, science, literature, jurispru dence and statesmanship, were delegated to form a united Germany—a Germany with no Austria, no Prussia, no Bavaria, no Saxonia, but a united Germany. Did they realize the wishes of the people? I sat in that famous cathedral (St. Paul's Kirche) during the existence of that par liament. I sat in the Roman Saal (Kay serass) during the whole existence of the Committee of Fifty; I sat in the ‘War Parliament. Oh! could I assemble all the victims of the crazy management with which you afflicted the good people of Germany, could I gather the thousands of patriots here, I would show them the very men who destroyed every hope of constitutional liberty in the fatherland have already commenced the same work of destruction here. When, in 1848, the kings were prostrate in the dust; when the army, the children of the people, were almost won over to the popular cause, what did you (I mean your party) and all those now swarming in this country and their authority and influence do? Sir, instead of consolidat ing the distracted elements of Germany into a confederacy of sovereign States, you talked about the independence of Italy and Poland, and all the nations of the world, while you neglected your own affairs. The army was insulted—the “army must be abolished’’—‘and instead of availing yourself’ of the favorable posi tion, and striking quickly, you sat in the Franfurter Parliament and made long speeches, till foothold gave way, and you and all of us sent again into Egyptian darkness. Having wasted the time for action, and restored darkness, and despair at home, you come hither to bless the people of this country with your grand dogmas and theories; to repeat precisely the same ex ploded experiments and absurdities.— When your own house was on fire, instead of rushing to the rescue of its inmates, you sounded the big trumpet of a ‘universal republic,” “‘we must free Poland,” ‘we must free Italy,’ ‘‘all the world must be free. ’ Such were your valorous shouts. But your own houses were burned to the foundation, your wives and your children were made homeless, while Poland is yet enslaved, and Italy is freed, not by your aid but by her own exertions, unaided by Frankfurter Parliaments and German doctors, and philosophers. Instead of theorizing, instead of talking about ‘‘so cialism and communism,’ and a division of property, the Italians have acted, and therein lies the secret of their success. But to return to my proposition. Al though not reared like you, sir, in a col lege or university, and having but a plain and limited education, I am learned enough to understand the Constitution of this country, which teaches me that this Re public is a confederacy of independent sovereign States, each entitled to enact its own fats for the proper management of its own local affairs, without dictation from any other State, or from the Con gress of the United States, or from any power outside the jurisdiction of such State. In proposing myself as an oppon ent to you, I hope you will be too genar ona to class me with those Germans whom your party charges with following the Democratic banner through ignorance.— Against this charge, which has been repeatedly made by your party, most solemnly protest, and still further do I protest against the unfounded boast that a majority of the adopted citizens—and by “citizens,” — mean men who have a right to ours howaane compathreath the dogmas of the Republican party. The industrious mechanic knows only too well, that his labor will be rewarded properly only so long as we maintin the Union, and that he will gain nothing by letting loose a horde of African negroes, with no expirations, and nonsents familiar to the European and American mechanic. He knows too well that all the cries about the “poor boadman’’ are only proffered in the hope of obtaining fat offices thereby ; because he has the undeniable fact before his evea that no man, even the most fanatical Abolitionist, associates with the African, every if he is a free bar man.— ‘The people know too well that the negro is nothing but the stirrup from which the negro worshipper means to vault into the seat of power. In point of fact, nearly all those of our countrymen who make so much noise about this slavery question are the young inormigrants, the majority not able to speaks the English language, and not yet entitled to vote. Sir, these are the masses who form the majority of the “intelligent Ger mans,’ you and your party so loudly pro claim as your supporters. But, sir, the Masses of the German adopted citizens who have a right to vote, are loyal to the Constitution transmitted to us by the Fathers of the American Republic, and consider that sacred instrument as the magna charta of on political rights and liberties, and not as your associates do, ‘‘an agreement with death and a conven ant with hell.’ The majority of the German adopted citizens will follow no leader who will not uphold the flag and ‘keep step to the music of the Union” —a Union of slave States and free States—a Union formed by the people of twelve slave States and but one free State. We declare further, that we hold only to that kind of ‘higher law which has its foundation in the Consuation and in perfect harmony with that instrument, and not to the kind of higher law which originates in the brains of theorists, ex perimentalists and utopians. If it does not suit you to meet me in Boston, which appears to me the most fitting place, I am willing to meet you in any town or city this or the other side of Mason and Dixon's line—Philadelphia, Milwaukee, Richmond, Virginia, or New Orleans, Louisiana. Sir, it took you the other day, in New York, three hours and a half to abuse one man Without ever proving one point against his doctrines, to which, let me tell you, I do not fully, in all their details, subscribe; but I, a plain, humble, unedu cated man (originally a mechanic—a cabinet maker) propose to demolish the whole structure of the Republican party in fifteen minutes, provided you will answer all the questions I shall put to you fairly and squarely. I hope you will receive this communica tion in the same kind epitit to which it is tendered you, and have the honor to sub scribe myself. Yours, respectfully, SAMUEL STERN.
Newspaper Details
Cannelton Reporter
Cannelton, Indiana, US
Thu, Oct 25, 1860
Page 1
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USA 18 Feb 2026
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