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of the Bahinere Patric k OMINOUS, Waasiweron, May 9, 3r.m. : In iante of last evening, the secreted orator thus defines his position in reference to the contest for the Vice Presidency, PRESIDENCY, THE VICE The Convention friendly to the present Administra tion, Which met at Baltimore on the 5th of May, to re commend candidates at the next election for President and Vice President, Peep Stunned after declining to to nominate for the Viet Presidency, I consider myself authorized to interfere in that question so far as I have been made personally interested in it. The Union party in Georgia, which did me the honor, very unexpectedly, to make an unconditional nomina tion of me for that office, that year, had the kindness, in conformity to my wishes, to change that nomination in to an expression of preference, and to refer the subject to the decision of those who were expected, fairly repre senting their political friends, to decide upon it. No decision having been made, union and concert of action are not now to be anticipated. According to the present state of things, no friend of the Administration can hope for an election by the people. ‘The more for tunate can be thrown only high enough on the electoral Rel to secure the chance of being chosen by the Senate, hoever succeeds, then, will occupy his place with the perfect knowledge that he owes his elovation to the par tiality of a fragment of his own party, and holds it against the decision of a majority of his fellowe citizens. Withhold the sustaining power of public approbation, and the honor and emoluments of public office in all free countries, and particularly in this, are but poor recom penses for the labor performed, the responsibilities incur red, and the gross misrepresentations inevitably encoun tered in fulfiling ths duties. During a large and not unsuc cessful public career, I have never yet been placed in a sit uation to doubt that the position I occupied was agreeable to the wishes of the great majority of those to whom belonged the right to control it. I desire public station on no other terms. Without denying to the Union party of Georgia, or to any other portion of my fellow-citizens, Use right to use my home, if, in their opinion, it will be beneficial to the public, it will not be further mixed up in this contest if my wishes are res pected. While the contest continues, it would be a source of vexation to me, and what would be considered A successful result, if attainable, would afford to me no personal gratification, JOIN FORSYTH. This card has exerved, as you may readily imagine, a great deal of speculation here. Some regard it merely as a temporary outbreak of the Secretary's scornful and irritable nature, smarting under his disappointment. Others looked upon it as another manifestation of his known hatred of minorities, which inclines him now to leave the Administration party before they come to their fall, and of his willingness to see that party tumble down to destruction, unless his longings for the distinction and tucre of place continue to be gratified. This much is certain, ‘There is far more dissatisfaction, than of patriotism or true dignity in this remarkable production. those who are acquainted with Mr. Forsyth, will re cognize his peculiarly disdainful disposition in every sentence. He does not actually indulge in needs and insolence towards the Convention, but he takes little ines to disguise his opinions of their idleness and fully. He reminds me of the old woman who was in the habit of defaming the character of her neighbors—Kat, who when asked her opinion of a certain person whom she did not like, but yet was afraid to assail openly, replied, “ As to him, why sometimes TI think, and then again I don’t know; but L rather guvns he is just what I think him!’ So with Mr. Forsyth, he does not call his exe cutioners knaves and fools; but he evidently thinks so, and rather guesses they are just what he thinks them. His rebuke of those who prevented any nomination, and hope for the election of their favorite in the senate, has annoyed Grundy and his brother conspirators. He has proclaimed that no public man ought to consent to occupy the place when elevated to it by the partiality of a fragment of his own party, and against the decision of a majority of his fellow-citizens. ‘This will be gall and wormwood to the friends of the other candidates who are determined to run, although they cannot hope for an election by the people. Something more will come of this. I will be careful to transmit to you everything calculated to throw light on the purpose and views of Mr. Forsyth, in making this move. “The Editor of the Courier said, the other day, that Gen. Haxatson had suffered martyrdom, on account of his vote on the admission of Missouri.”—Charleston Mercury, May 13, 1810. _,. Yes! We did say so—and said so with perfect truth. However opposed to slavery, in the abstract, no man, in ea whole country, had more openly and consistently maintained the principle of non-interfeuce with the slave institutions of the South, and denounced the Abo litionists, than Gen. Harrison. But, we do justice to Gen. H., on this subject, without advocating his preten sions to the Presidency. ‘The Mercury, however, preaiched us long since, in this matter, and made it a ground of advocatings Gen. Uarntaon’s pretensions to the Presiden cy, against Mr. Van Bren, whom it then unjustly de nounced as an Abolitionist. The change of the Mercu ry has nothing to warrant it—both Mr. Van Burnes and jon. Harrison remaining i stain quo, except that Gen. H's anti-abolitionion by means of his Vincennes’ speech and letters, are better known now, than they were then,and except, that Gen. H. was then a cnudi date for the Presidency, on the same ticket with Pran cis Gaaneen, of New-York, a strong anti-slavery man, for Vice President ; whereas, Gen. BH. now and is side by side, with Joan Tysen, of Virginia, as staunch a Southerner as ever breathed. We can never consent to mingle the slave question with mere pacty politice— the interest concerned is too momentous and vital to be jeoparded in a mere political gainé—Charleston Cour ur (from the Mercury, of 1801) “Against Harrison, are objected his former course on Internal Improvement and the Tariff, and some exyroese ions on the subject of slavery, mae some time since; also his supposed connexion with the fast expiring Na tional Republican party. It must he recited by our peo ple, whether these are overbalanced by his disinterested and self sacrificing alliance with the South on the Missou ri question, hes vote in fiwner of slavery in the Arkansas, and his recent declaration, that he is with the South on the subject of slavery—on the question of the Tariff, and in our general policy. He is without the elim, which Judge White has, of being a Southern mian, but between either of these two, and Martin Van Buren, it is certain our Legislature will not hesitate a moment, * * * * * . * * * The Baltimone Convention.—One of these assem blages, meagre and sprites as it was, is characterized by the Globe (the Government paper) as democratic, and Mr. Grundy is represented as addressing the Con vention “in explanation of the principles and policy of the Democratic party.” In the same paper the onet concourse of patriotic young men, assembled in num bers and in a spirit never before equalled, it attempted to be stigmatized as “grand army of Federalism.” Names cannot alter principles, although they should be indicative of them. Our Government is a Republic, or Representative Democracy. Those who maintain the true principles of the Government, as established by the Constitution, are Democratic Republicans. The Whigs and Conservatives, recently assembled at Baltimore, are maintaining those principles against the waue patients, and abuses, and misrule of the Federal Executive. They resist a system of measures and a course of party discipline calculated to concentrate all power in the hands of the Executive, and to convert our free institu tions into a praetical despotism. They are, teroures in principle as well as dynamic, Democratic Republi cans—a name broad enough and comprehensive onal to include Whigs and Conservatives, and all who go for the Constitution and the Laws in opposition to the en croachments of Executive power. [the term Federal iam, in its modern acceptation, is the opposite of the princ ciples of the Democratic Repiblicane, as above stated, then it is peculiarly applicable to the present dominant party, of which the Globe is the official organ. In speaking, therefore, of the two Conventions, which have just closed their sittings at Baltimore, we can better characterize them than to say, that the Federal Convention, composed of the supporters of the anti-de mocratic republican doctrines of the present Federal Ad ministration, was very thinly attended, and went off with a consciousness of defeat in the coming contest, whilst the Democratic Republican Convention, composed of thousands and thousands of Whigs and Conservatives from every part of the Chien, was conducted with the utmost enthusiasm, and adjourned unnder the confident abeurance of a glorious and triumphant victory in No vember next—Mal. Int. From the Georgia Menenger Having exposed one its representation of the opinion of Gen. Harrison, in relation to the Tarif , have again to call the attention of the public to a garbled extract from another of his speeches. A writer in the last Journal and Recorder, charges him with Federalism, and to prove it, produces an extract from his reply to a similar attack made upon his by John Randolph, 11826. One would suppose, that as the writer had to refer to the words of Ges. Harrison himed, to sustain his charge, he would give us a fair and correct , quotation. But he has not done so. He has withheld the most material part of his reply, he has stopped his quotation in the very middle of a sentence, and has sup pressed the part which disproves his charge. A writer who will thus act, is entitled to about as much confi dence as the Atheist, who would quote but four words from the Bible, to Exe “there is no God. My code of morals teach me tata wilful suppression of the truly, is as criminal as thy telling analectuocal John Randolph, charged Gen. Harrison with being “an open, zealous, frank supporter of the black cockade sedition law administration.” Now let us see how “A State Rights man, in the Journal and Recorder, quotes from the reply of Gen. 1. to this attack, : “He (Mr. Randolph,) has been piceana to say, that cunder the administration of Mr. Adams, [ was a Feder alist, and he comes to the conclusion from the coured pursued by me in the Sension of 1700 and 1800, The genteman had no means of knowing my political prin ciples, unless he obtained them in private conversation. As I was on terms of intimacy with the gentleman, it is very possible he might have heard me express * sensi ments flawinalle to the then administration, certainly jilt them? Now to show the awfurness of “A State Right nan, I will give the whole sentence with the part suppressed, All I was on terms of intimacy with the gentleman, it is very possible he might have heard me express sth tmenta favorable to the then administration, I certain, felt them, so fir at least, as the course pursued by it, in re lation to the Government of France. What shall we think of the morality of a writer who will be guilty of each a palpable and wilful suppression of truth! Do the words of Gen. Morrison, as truly quoted, prove thin a Federalist! Then lay the same charge be made again at thousands, who in those days, profersed to be Republicans, and were what they pro fessed to be. Upon the same ground was that departed a triot, W. AL. Crawford, charged with Federalism in Tut, when he was a candidate for President. When a young man he attended a public meeting in Augusta, and was the author of an address adopted at that meet ing, to the then President John Adams, giving him a pledge to sustain the measure of his administration, so far as they related to our difficulties with the Govern ornment of France. That was the extent of the sup port promised by Wm. HH, Crawford to the administra tion of the elder Adame, and the soundest Republicans of the day, gave the same pled, but did that prove Wm. Tl, Grawford a Federalist]—If not, then neither can Gen. Harrison be proved one. One approved of the administration of John Adams, “so far at least, as to the course pursued it in relation to the Government of France; and sodyl the other. Both could do so con sistently, and yet he Republicans. If “A State Rights man” had quoted General Harrison correctly, no one would have received the quotation on proof of Gen. Harrison's Federalism. But “A State Rights man not only suppressed the most material part of one of the sentences quoted, but failed to quote another from the same speech, which hi d most important bearing upon this charge, and which shows the attack of Mr. Randolph to be entirely un- founded. It is this, “ But Sir, said Mr. Harrison, my ap position TO THE ALLIEN AND SEDITION LAW teas 50 well known in the Territory, that a promise was extorted from me by my friends in the Legislature, by which I was elected that IT would express no opinions in Philadelphia, which were in the least calculated to defeat the important objects with which I was charged. As I had no vote, I was not called upon to express my sontinents in the House. The Republican Party were all in favor of the measures I wished to have adopted. But the federalists in were the majority. Providence, therefore, and my duty to my constituence, rendered it proper that I should refrain, from expressing sentiments which would injuriously af fect their interests and which if expressed, could not have the feast influence upon the decision of Congress.” With this quotation and the correction of the parbled extract, [leave the public to decide, how far it is true, that Gen. Harrison can be proven a Federalist by his own admission, Vide Gates Beaton's Congressional debates, Vol. part 1, page 365, ASTATE RIGHTS HARRISON MAN. Monroe cowity, May 12, 1810, IP Will the Editors of the Journal and Recorder in sert this as an act of justice. ALS. R. HM Wan Gen, Fiarrison ae wounded whilst he had command of the Army to Ball. Rep. Not Wan Gen, Yoke jackson or Gen. Wassission ! — Prentice, The darkness is passing away even from Kentucky, Globe, Ah, and wo you have heard at last of the elopement of Col. Johnson’s wife— Prentice, Wrart as Martin Van Berens wox !—A country _ paper aeke, What has Martin Van Buren overdine in the course of his life that was calculated to benefit the fir mers, merchants and manufacturers South and Wear! We cannot answer the question, and as it is to say, vote ing; but we can tell What he did for the Site of New York. Martin Van Buren once voted muelled pretty EP WHITE MEN cycle right (oe ratless they menel 1 certain amount of ticable property—See Journal of Proceedings, page 202, Proscnprios von Orrsion’s sagee—The St. Louis Republican gives the particulare of an affair which has Jiually erated a great excitement in Missouri, and alone to what extent the corrupting infhrences of Mr. Van Buren’ government is exercised. The act of the government which first gave rise to dissatisfaction was the removal of Mr. Aull, Postmaster at Lexington, May an excellent officer, and for his meritorious qualities highly esteemed in the county where he lived. To fill the vacancy his proerription had made, an obscure but convenient tool of the party wisappeared. Against this outrage the people thought Property remonstrate. Their proceedings were temperate firm and respectful. They complained that a man who had faithfully discharged his duty was dismissed from office, because he exercised the right of a freeman in forming his political opinions—that a man was appointed over him who was a stranger to the community, al s without ever consulting their wishes or their interests. In the meeting, it so happened that another public officer, Mr. K. M. Ryland, Receiver for the Lexington Land Di trict, shunwed his an sonnet’ and participated in ex pressing his decided disapprobation of the course of the administration in this removal. Per this exercise of his rights and expression of lia independence, Ryland him self was dismissed from office. The following letter of Mr. Renton explains the reason for the removal. It is addressed to Henderson, the man appointed to the place of Aull, ne postmaster— Baltimore Butrint. Sometimne New. —The devices of foreign rogue y seem to be inexhaustible. We cut the following row Galignani .A young nut well-dressed man went, yester day evening to the Cafe d' Alsace, in the Rue du Mail, and ordered five cups of Coffee to be sent wn noose opposite. The waiter who carried them over, met the young man half way up the staircase, and received orders to go back for a sixth cup. ‘This he did, leaving the five in the lands of the custo mer who turned out to be a rum one; for on re turning with the last cup, to find the others with] their contents on one of the stairs, but the wonndled man had disappeared, and all the silver spoons with him.” The Asiatic Line or Wan at N. Yors.— Among the Hoye events of the day, is the late ar rival at New York, of a gessel wid cargo from Mus cat on the Persian gull. ‘This vessel called the 4 Sulitaice, or Royet.” is a sloop of war, under the command of Reis Achmid Ben Hamed, and be long to the navy of the Siman of Muscat, the Said Said Ben Sultan. Captain Achmed is the bearer of a letter and complimentary expressions, accord ing to Asiatic usage, from Sultan Said to the Pre sident of the United Sines. The extension of our commerce with Asiatic na tions, and its security by treaty stipulation has been the subject of anxious and successful interest to the F Adhm inistration. One of the happy results of this leave of our commercial interest, was a treaty of navigation and commerce with the Fam of Muscat, [which relieved our commerce from discriminating duties. Another advantageous treaty has bow con cluded with the kingdom of Siam, and approaches have been mde with the sane desirable object, to the empires of Cochin China, Japan, and China, whas one extensive and verlucble trade to the Red Sea been neglected, the cvintules of which, both African and Arabian, are unner the Govern ment of Mohammed Ali, Pacha, of Egypt. The value of our trule to the dominions of the Sultan of Muscat is greater than may by supposed. Official returns for eighteen months af vessels that visited Zanzibar, show the number to be forty-one, of which thirty-two were American. Twenty of these were from Salem, three from Boston and three from New York. Zangibar is an island on the east coast of African, and is the depot for the trade of that coast, and of the Red Sea and Persian gulf. The United States are represented there by a consul. Sultan Said possesses large territory on the east coant of Africa, extending from Cayo Delgado to Cape Gariafal. His navy consists of seventy-five vessels of war, of which several are line-of-battle ships which san larger naval force than that of all
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Milledgeville Georgia Journal
Milledgeville, Georgia, US
Tue, May 19, 1840
Page 4
Full Page
Clipped by
Sean B.
CA 24 Jun 2026
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