Thanks to the parliamentary state craft of Senate Minority Leader Robert Dole, the Republican Party stands on the verge of an historic victory over Big Government and the Democratic From the outset President Clinton made it clear that universal health care, provided and run by Big Broth er but paid for by the American tax payer, would be the central zircon in the diadem of his administration. Along with Franklin Roosevelt (who supposedly provided for everybody's old age through Social Security) and Lyndon Johnson (who allegedly im proved the lot of the poor), Mr. Clin ton would become the third member of the liberal Democratic Trinity, the president who guaranteed health care coverage to every American, from the cradle to the grave. At first everything appeared to go well with the project. Polls reported that the American people seemed to agree that our health care system was in “crisis,” though on further inquiry it transpired that the great majority were reasonably well satisfied with their own medical care. In any case, there was substantial sentiment for making sure that everybody was covered. The pres ident’s wife presided over the secret deliberations of 500 gnomes, and even tually came up with a proposal Somewhere in Washington there ought to be a small museum to house a parchment copy of that 1,342-page monstrosity, so future generations can study a perfect example of Big Government at its worst. Under it, the American people would be dra gooned into medical chain-gangs su pervised by the inevitable layers of incompetent, insatiable bureaucrats. The whole mess would be paid for by a massive tax on small businesses, disguised as “mandatory” payments of 80 percent of the cost of insuring their employees. Health costs would be “capped” — e.g., subjected to price controls — so health care would have to be rationed. Any doctor or patient who tried to finesse the system would face a $10,000 fine, or prison. When the American people got wind of what Ms. Rodham Clinton had wrought, the polls began reporting a very different attitude. Reluctantly, under pressure from Democratic leaders in Congress, Mr. Clinton began to jettison one major feature of his health care program after an other: first the chain-gangs (or “al liances”), then the employer mandates. Now, it appears, he will settle for anything the Democrats in Congress can agree to pass, if only it can be called “universal.” Enter Bob Dole. He knows very well that the American people want various improvements in our health care system — notably “portability” (the assurance that one’s health cov erage won't be lost in going from one job to another) and coverage of pre viously existing conditions. He is also willing to subsidize health insurance for the genuinely needy who can't afford it. Dole has now brought forth a bill em bodying these features, and about 40 of the 44 Republicans in the Senate have lined up to support it. That is a signif icant figure, for 41 just happens to be the number of senators who can fili buster to death any bill they don’t like. That would leave the congression al Democrats in a huge hole. They would rather die than accept Dole’s bill (which would be an obvious Re publican triumph), but they know very well that the great majority of voters are now awake and firmly against any gaudy giveaway that guts our present health care system. There is only one way out for them: a compromise with the Republicans which can nevertheless be hailed as a triumph for President Clinton. To prevent this, all the Republicans need to do is stand firm. If the November congressional elections can be turned into a referendum on “the Dole reforms” vs. “the Clinton giveaway,” the Republicans will mop up the floor with every Democrat not attached to his seat with Krazy Glue. THE CONSERVATIVE ADVOCATE RUSHER WILLIAM A.