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SWISSENINGER, Mf a0 © Bo “PHURSDAY, JAN. 15, 1846. COUTTON MARKET. There are no operations in our market and no, rules of any magnitude have been, or can be effected. We therefore have no occasion to vary our last week quotations —which were from 54 a 7 cts. Freights by River 75 cts. bale, Do by Rail Road 25 cts per 100 Ibe, Congress. The Committe On Foreign Relations have reported a bill, providing for the twelve months’ notice to Eng land of the serfoination of the joint occupancy of Oregon. We have not seen published the report ac companying the bill; but the following is the resolu tion offered by the chairman, Mr. Ingersoll. Resulved, (the Sénate concurring.) Tout the Presi dent of the United Listed forthwith cause notice to be given to the Government of Great Britain that the convention between the United States and Great Bri tain concerning the territory of Oregon, of the 6th of August, 1827, signed at London, shall be annulled and abrogated twelve months after the aspiration of the said term of notice, conformably to the 2d article of the said convention of the 6th of August, 1827. The minority of the Committee made a counter re port, concluding with the following resolution— Resolved, ‘That the question whether a notice to terminate the convention between the United States of America and Great Britain, of October, 1818, and continued in force by the convention of August, 1827, ought to be given, is not a matter for the decision of Congress and upon it this House at the present re fins from the expression of any opinion. Upon the motion to make these resolutions the special order of the day for the first Monday in Feb ruary next, a very interesting and protracted debate sprung up, in which the merits of the question were elaborately discussed. Whigs and Democrats parti cipated, and we do not recollect of there ever being a question of such magnitude discussed, with less ob servance of party lines and distinctions. Whigs and Democrats, indiscriminately and promiscuously, took sides, and whether the affirmative or negative of the question, be Vshig or Democrat, or which is which, is as yet very much of a problem. Those small traders acept partisan Editors, who are always on the alert to drive a bargain, are at a complete now plus. For which is the peace party and which the war party, they are unable at pres nt to designate. “This is rather a fortunate state of things for the “eliminations” of the the public mind. The press, unfettered by party re strictions, speaks out, and we are thus able to obtain in the concrete, the variable and conflicting expressions of private judgment, uninfluenced by extrinsic con siderations. We can always aler a while get to the right end of a culject, by collating and contrasting the opinions and views of others, when honestly and can didly given. After considerative debate, a vote was finally taken on the motion, and failed for want of a majority of two thirds. ‘The vote was one hundred and two to eighty-two—a majority ‘of twenty in favor of defer ring action on the bill until February. The New York Courier intercedes for Uelay in the following earnest terms: “subbing as we do,” says the New York Courier, “that reflecting men of all parties do really deprecate war, and could only be brought to the stern necessity of em barkig in it by the conviction that in no other way could our rights and our honor be vindicated—we call upon such men,and upon all wae = our apprehensions to unite in the call, to use their influerce at least to delay the adoption by Congress, or either house of Congress, of any of the propositons now before it—either for giv ing the twelve months’ notice to Great Britain, or for extending the jurisdiction of our laws over our citizens in Oregon, or for increasing our military force with a view to occupying posts on the route to, and within that territory. The Oregon question is now so much the promin ent topic, that it engages almost the exclusive atten tion of Congress, and engrosses the conversation and thoughts of all parties. What will be the result is a matter of speculation, which a week or two will con vert into a reality.” The calm that had been produced by the pacific interposition of Mr. Calhoun, has been in a measure distorted by the sudden outbreak of John Quincy Adams. The stop market, which is a kind of barometer of popular feeling, has been excited, and “ bulls” and 4 Bears” have alternately exhibited signs of consternation. The South is more interested in this question than any other portion of the country. In the isolated po sition in which the country would be placed, so far as its commerce would be concerned, the North have a refuge from utter prostation in her manufactures for a home market. The West would find an increased demand for her provisions, but in the South, with the decline in price of our great staple, would be accom panied the prostration of all our interests. We understand this question of war, and not mere ly the fact of a war, but the «rumors of war,” to be one so nearly affeeting Us all, and particularly the agriculturalist interest, that we ean keep our country fiends fully advised of the progressive steps of this great Oregon question, even at the tisk of being e con sidered as exclusive and uninteresting in our elections The Third District. Our opponents are very much elated at their success in the late Congressional election, more so than they would have been, hind it not been altogether unexpected. We are disappointed and chagrined for the very same reason. With a clear majority of five hundred in the dis trict,we had every reason to calculate upon success. We regret to be forced to admit, that the whig party of the Third District have disappointed the reasonable ex pectations of their friends throughout the State. They have either positively, or negatively, which is almost as pable, by a violation of all their obligations as party now to subst to the nomination of their Convention, or Yan unpardonable remisaness and indifference, yielded a power which by the slightest exertion they could have secured. Considering our equal representation in oy Congressional delegation, this election was of vital con sequence, for it haa given the preponderance of power our opponents, our delegation now standing five Dem ocrats to three Whiss. With the vote of Bibb we are satisfied, for she has done better than for some years back. With Twiggs we cannot complain, the majority there in fair trial of strength is a full hundred against us. There was no opposition to the democratic county offi crs,and the Whig turn out was as large as we antici pated. Monroe, instead of the Whig majority of 87 in Oxto- Lergst, gave our opponents a majority office. This re verse was the consequence of that unsafe and unprinci pled mode of swapping off as it is called, Upson, instead of a majority of 264 gave us but 182 Harris which last October gave us a majority of 423 usallen off 135 votes. Here as in Upson, there was no opposition to the Whig ticket for county officers, and our friendsjunfike our opponents,would not take the trouble 10 to 10 the polls. Talbot, (and here was the unaccountable defection) that gave Col. Chappell a majority of 26 votes, and Crawford a majority of 68 votes, gave Towna a mj ority of 223 votes. ‘The vote of this county was a death view to our hopes, and we are yet to learn the cause of his wonderful revolution. From Crawford we got nothing more than we anticira, it «lthough the majority against us might have been duced, had the Whigs done their duty. In Pike We did much better than we had any reason to suppose, the majority against us being much reduced. Tiscus and substance of the whole of the matter is this—our own frieods have beaten us. We were at one time very much disposed to ascribe our defeat to a causer which, however satisfactory to ourselves may be our own convictions, as we have no proof to sustain us, we refrain from giving them, because we may possibly be doing injustice to political friends, in whose disinterest edness and patriotism, we have had heretofore all confi dence; and yet we must say that the vote of Talbot stag gers us. That Talbot vote will stick in our craw. In contrasting the late vote for Congressmen with the vote for Governor, we find that the vote of the eight coun ties comprising the District is 1796 less than it was in October—that the Democratic vote has fallen off some 562 votes, while the Whig vote has fallen off some 1234 votes. The only consolation we have in our defeat, and a poor one it is at that, is that our own friends could if they had been so disposed,have reversed the order of things. Con trition and remorse, may, and will affect, their perfect work, and we can unhesitatingly say, that at this pres ent moment the Third District is more Whig, than ever it was, and we will prove it when we are again tried. John Quincy Adams, The remarkable speech of John Quincy Adams, in favor of giving immediate notice to Great Britain of the termination of the joint occupancy of Oregon, and which will be found in another column, has crea ted a great sensation, not only in Washington, but throughout the country. The varied attainments of Mr. Adams, and particularly his accurate knowledge of this question, give weight and consequence to his sentiments, above those of any other public man in the country ; at least such is the opinion as expressed by the Democratic Chairman of the Committee on Fo reign relations, and other leading Democrats who are advocating the measure. In reading the speeches of members of Congress upon this question, one cannot but be struck with the utter hallowreds of political professions, wnd the mutability of party associations. Old Jobo Quincy Adams has for years held an anom alous and an enviable position. He has been a polit ical Ishmaelite, in turn opposed to every one and every one to him. Ad now we see his alliance upon this Oregon question, hailed with the most social acclama tions by the friends of the measure, and his accession to the cause, regarded as a certain prestige of suc cess. We do not go so far as Mr. Rhett does, who con siders the opposite course to the one taken by Mr. Adama on every subject av the safe one; but so vio lent are his prejudices, and #0 inveterate, unmitiga ted, and unalterable has been his hostility to the South and Southern interests, that Southern men will very naturally scan with cautious jealousy, the motives and cause of his advocacy of a measure of public policy, in which they have an interest, Mr. Adams is a man of most comprehensive mind—so perhaps more than any other member of the House, from his peculiar position, legislates for posterity. ‘The mere acquisi tion of territory in the possession of Oregon, is not with Mr. Adams a primary considerati wh he is look ing to the accomplishment of an object, in which eve ry faculty of his mind is almost exclusively interested, and to the attainment of which, all his powers and energies are directed —and that is extending, as he un derstands it the area of freedom. His advocacy of our claims to the Oregon is prompted by that mania of anti-slavery, which has taken possession of him, body and soul, and which is the main epring of all his movements. His coadjutor, the notorious Gid dings, is a late speech on this question, boldly avow ed his policy, and the avowal will stand good for the abolitionists generally —Oregon is wanted as a set off to Texas—to preserve the Lelance of power between the North and South; and if this end can be attained, old John Quincy Adams with Giddings, and the rest of the fanatic set are ready to go to any extreme for the acquisition of Oregon, even should the price be a War, Southern men therefore,knowing well from past ex perience, the character of these men, are suspicious of them, and are very naturally looking wary at the subject. In all its bearings, before a final committal of themselves. We are very much disposed to believe in the policy of John C. Calhoun, at least so far as regards legislation. The Mabian policy is at least the safe one in the present aspect of affairs. Oregon is ours beyond a question, and that we shall get it, is equally as certain. Where then is the poley or rea son of our adopting such a course as will precipitate us in trenhies and difficulties, when there may be no occasion for such a false step? We have suspended negotiations with Great Britain; we should at least give her an opportunity of renewing these ne gotiations should she feel so disposed, before resorting to the ulima ratio regum. The giving the twelve months notice, may preclude an amiable adjustment of the question or it may not. Our most eminent states men dfer us to the effects of such a notice, and this very difference should induce us to pause,before we proceed so far that we cannot re cede. Mr. Calhoun, Mr. Rhett, and others are des cidedly of the opinion, that the inevitable consequen ces of the notice would be war. Mr. Adams with ma ny others, Whigs as well as Democrats, fem satisfi ed that a war is a very remote contingency, not at all consequent pon each notice. Here is the mis chief—statesmen of exalted position and of equal em inence differ as oppositely as the position of the poice upon the consequences of a certain measure of policy, and the mischief consequent upon hasty ac tion can be obviated by a few weeks delay. While we are decidedly in favor of closing this vesuous diffi culty as soon as practicable, and giving the required notice, if it be considered as an essential preliminary, and we can do so without prejudicing ourselves; we believe with Mr. Calhoun, that we should wait for the effects of the reception of the President’s Message in England, and give Great Britain the opportunity, should she b 80 disposed, of renewing the negotiation. By such a reasonable delay, our rights will be in no wise prejudiced, and if we have to resort to war, we then can do so with a better conscience,and with a per fect justification before God and man. Prof. Lylle, the eminient Geologist from England, will soon be in or city, upon a tour of exploration, He will find in our neighborhood a member of inter esting localities, which we hope will offer such induce ments to him to prolong his stay with us, that he may perhaps be persuaded to gratify our citizens with a lecture upon his favorite science, The Lecture of Samuel R. Blake, Eeq. before the Philologic Association on Monday, evening last, in the Presbyterian Church, was listened to by a very re spectable and gratified audience. His subject was a very appropriate one,— The influence of authors on the hearts and characters of their readers,” and both in manner and matter the Lecturer acquitted himself most creditably. We wish we had the space to give a review of this Lecture, for not only are we prompted so to do, by inclination, but from other considerations connected with the welfare and prosperity of this com mendable institution. We are also the more disposed to do so, because while we assent to most of the po sitions assumed by the Lecturer and treated of by him in a very able style, from some of his views, we alto gether dissent. ‘This diversity of sentiment however, involves no principle, but is entirely one of opinions and we shall at some leisure time, again allide to it,
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Macon Georgia Messenger
Macon, Georgia, US
Thu, Jan 15, 1846
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