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the waters of both bays, reserving only the right to use them tor her own ships whether belligerent or neutral. The lease is tor ninety-nine years, and became operative on July 1.• riu*ung-chang’s memorial o laval and military reform in China, it was suggeste that Kiao-chow Bay in the north N amkwan in ;he centre, and Mirs Bay in the south should befortified places The suggestion that China should establish a great naval station in Mirs Bay exemplified the danger of ' the former position. It was not a Chinese naval station itself to be feared so much as what it might lead to. Apart from petty local conflicts, the real danger was that on the firstdifference of opinion between China and one of the greatPowers Mirs Bay, whether fortified or not, might be seized in the same way that Kiao-chow Bay has been by Germany. Hong Kong also needed elbowroom or its growing civil population, and Her Majesty’s Go' arnment not only fulfilled along-standing aspiration of the Hong Kong community, but met an urgent need when they authorised Sir Claude Macdonald to obtain an extension of Kowloon—an extension that amounts to about 400 square miles. But the gratification experienced on signature of the Convention was marred by the same lack of thoroughness and definite purpose which has on more than one occasion characterised British policy through-c it the crisis ai the year. The colony, immediately through its recognised channels of public opinion, speedily took exeep-tion to one stipulation in the Convention—namely, “ That within the native city of Kowloon the Chinese officials now stationed there shall continue to exercise jurisdiction.” The Chamber of Commerce said : u It is not without cause that the public of this C olony view with something like consternation the insertion of a provision in the Convention to that effect.” The China Association also took exception. A semi-official notification points out, however, that the fear is unrounded that the native city was the resort of bad characters, and would form an Alsatia for gamblers and others, within the British leased sphere. The correction pr inted out that Kowloon City is a small walled city, the majorii r of whose inhabitants are Chinese soldiers forming the garrison there. In addition to the troops, there are only about 200 civilians in the place. This city is distant about half a mile from the seashore, and its suburbs, which are of course outside the walls, rur down to the edge of the harbour opposite to Hong Kong. It is in these suburbs that the gambling dens are situated, and where the dangerous classes complained of have congregated. These suburbs, being outside the city wall are by the Convention leased to Great Britain. This may'answer for the existing state of affairs, but it does not provide against those 200 civilians within the walls being augmented by the classes which the colony fears. Familiarity with the terms of the Convention has not softened the view and the colony is more than ever convinced a blunder has been committed. In any record of this extension we must not omit to menton that much of the credit for it belongs conspicuously to the lion. C. P. Ohater, the senior unofficial member of the Legislative Council, whose memorandum on the subject twoyears age dealt very ably with the strategical, commercial, industrial, economical, and political aspects of the question. During the demarcation whnh naturally had to follow the Convention, Mr. Stewart Lockhart, the Commissioner, had a temporary trouble at Kammin. (Considering the opposition and the publication of a placard likely to create hostility to British influence, Mr. Sercombe Smith, Acting Colonial Secretary, took measures to secure proper redress. Accordingly, when a deputation awaited on him to apologise he caused them to eat very humble pie. They had to kowtow nine times to the British flag, and must have gone home with a good idea of the majesty of British mandarindom. The perennial question known for so many decades as the Blockade of Hong Kong still exists in varying phases. The Chinese Customs House within the colony is now the bone. As it had been asserted that its presence in Queen’s-road was a convenience desired by the resident Chinese, the matter was referred unofficially to the leading hongs and guilds. These corporations, after full meetings, gave an emphatic expression of opinion that they would prefer the Customs to be removed to Chinese territory. Thereupon a meeting of the committee of the Chamber of Commerce was held, at which Mr. Whitehead proposed three strong resolutions calling for the removal of the office from Hong Kong After a long discussion, Mr. T. Jackson submitted the following resolutions, which were carried, Mr. Whitehead alone voting against them(1) That the Customs Office be no longer permitted to collect duties in the colony or the waters. (2) That all opium arriving in the colony be accounted for either through the agencv of the bonded warehouses or in some other way. (3) That the Government do all in its power to protect the Chinese revenue, more especially with regard to that from opium-farming. (4) That revenue stations and revenue cruisers be removed beyond the limits of British territory and waters. A meeting of the local committee of the China Association held practically the same discussion and passed similar resolutions. We almost despair of attainment, as much as we did at the time of Sir
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London and China Telegraph

London, Middlesex, GB

Mon, Jan 02, 1899

Page 20

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