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FKIXTED 45D PCBLISHID,DAII.Y,»T SNOWDEN THORNTON,m (for tu coditii,) ox TUESDAYS, THURSDAYS AN1) SATURDAYS. comm or liiwii-niMT am, rnmii’ alict.Daily Paper, g8—Country Paper, g5, per annum.FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 24,, 1826.LEGISLATURE OF MARYLAND.HOUSE OF DELEGATES. . JEW BILL.Job* S. Twos, Esq. of the citr ol Baltimore, succeeded Mr. Kennedy, in the following Speech:—After having been for twenty years engaged in this arduous struggle for the rights of man, and sustained during the whole of that time repulse upon repulse, and disaster upon disaster, having felt the tweets of a victory obtained at one session embittered by discomfiture at another—the friends of religious toleration succeeded during the last assembly, in making a breach in the walls of the enemy. Under auspices the most favorable, with renewed vigor in their arms and ardor in their hearts, they a-gain approach the broken wall, exclaiming in the language of Henry before Ilarfleur, and with the like assurance of success,•Once more unto the breach, dear friend*, once more.’It is natural for us to enquire, why the triumph of this cause has been so long delayed?I answer, because of the ignorance of some of the people, the prejudices of others, the bigotry of one portion, and the honest, but mistaken zeal of another—an ignorant prejudice and zeal fostered by political demagogues, who, though in heart and soul they were neither Christian, Jew nor Turk, professed to be the humble supporters of the religion of Jesus.Hence it was, that an opinion was inculcated among the people, that the test bill, as it was called, was a bill to abolish Christianity—that the state was about to be inundated with Jews and Turks—that Maryland would become another Judea, and Baltimore another Jerusalem. Those demagogues have, however, within the last yeat, preserved a commendable silence.— The people have been left free to think and act for themselves—and they have left their delegates free to think and act for litemselver, and the question is now submitted to an unpledged legislature.On all constitutional questions, and particularly on one of this kind, the first cry is that the constitution is a sacred instrument, it ought not to be touched; it is much better to endure grievances, than to remove them by an alteration of the constitution.In India, the people worship the great Mogul—in Europe, they worship their Kings and Emperors; here, however, they worship their constitution This, though belter than the o-thrrs, is bad; because it is idolatry. Idolatry is still idolatry, whether the idol be a constitution or a king; and I may add that tyranny is still tyranny, whether the tyrant be a piece of paper in the shape ofjaw, or a despot in his kiugly robes. As the idolatry of a people towards their king is the strongest support of his dcs potism aad the inherent vice3 of his nature, so the idolatry of a people towards their constitution, is the strongest support of the tyranny of that constitution, and its inherent vices.Think not that I undervalu ■ the great charter, by which our government is bound together—1 venerate, though I do not adore our con stitution, and it is because I venerate it, that I am anxious to purge it of whatever is calculated to render it less and less, an object of reve-The constitution itself gives us the right to alter and amend it. It is our duty to put this right in exercise, whenever experience demonstrates Us necessity. I would search for the evil even through the ruins of the superstructure, and cleansing the foundation, build up the edifice anew, rather than permit the evil to remain, until it should itswlf have undermined the constitution, and in some ill-fated moment should bring it down in ruin upon our heads. But, sir, the evil we are now considering, is not so difficult of access—it is upon the surface of the constitution, aye, sir, upon the house lop, a standing and disgraceful spectacle in the eyes of all the world.But the benefit (it may be said) of this act of toleration will be circumscribed within narrow limits, will be enjoyed by only a few individuals. So solemn an instrument as a state constitution, should not be altered for the benefit of a few. What then?—Will you do it when their number shall be greater? No. You will then say, that it would be dangerous to grant constitutional privileges to so many Jews. Sir, the Hebrews of Maryland are more entitled now !' not to your justice, at least to your symp -* and charity, than they will be when th ,4lhies handful shall become a mi'1' presentthey are weaker, more J becauseraagnanimitv: 1 -dependent upon your,•elves th *nrfalle to njaintain of them-*’• uprights of freemen. Would you feel *«ne less indignation towards the iron hearted grasping guardian, because the victim ol his rapacity was an infant orphan? Oh. no, you would execrate him the more, because ol the tveak and defenceless condition of the suffering innocent. „So should you regard the unfortunate Hebrew*. They are the political orphans of your state not made so by their follies or their crimes; not bv any of the natural and inevitable calamities of life; but orphans by desertion, a-bandoned by their parent-cheated of their birthright-nay even deprived of their legiti-gle act of cruely. If a clause existed in your constitution, which would subject to stripes or imprisonment, every freeman who would flee from a foreign land for refuge to your shores— it might happen that not a solitary being would suffer himself to be the victim of such injustice; but would the natiou be any the less dishonorable or cruel? No—because dishonor andcruelty, as well as honor and humanity, are in the heart, in the intention, not in their external manifestation by outward signs. Therefore, although there was not a single Jew in Maryland, the clause which subjected them to oppression being in the constitution, the dishonor is as great as it would be, if an hundred thousand Jews suffered under its tyranny.The honor of the state, (I repeat it again) the honor of the state is involved. The people of Maryland have gore on for many years past, as if they cared nothing about the honor of the state, when it was tarnished by themselves.— They have jealousy enough for the honor of the nation abroad—ifafoieign frigate fiscs into an American sloop of war, or a foreign government insults an American Ambassador, how sensitive are we on the occasion. 1 he cry of vengeance rings from Dan, even unto Brrshc-ba. We arc ready to put the whole nation in a panoply of offence. But a much worse dishonor we will suffer to remain untouched when inflicted by our own hands, upon our own country. Yet in my apprehension this is infinitely worse;-because in the former cause, we being the victims ol another’s outrage, another shares a great portion of the shame, whereas, in the latter case we bear it all alone.The next objection which I will notice, is ont of a very singular character, and yet 1 have frequently heard it in conversation with some of the members of this house. They object to this bill and will not vote for it because it is only a Jew bill, and not also a Mahometan bill— a Gentoo bill—a Chinese bill—in fir.-, a bill sweeping away at once, every religious test from the face of the constitution If such a bill were now before the Hou se, I venture to affirm that some of these very individuals would object to it because it was not exclusively a Jew bill—1 am afraid, lest with some, this objection is used as a cover to the world for real sentiments, or as a quietus upon self-reproach.If there are any who sincerely enter'ain the objection, I would ask them whether by an u-niversal abolition of the test bill, one of the objects to be gained, would not be the relief of the Hebrews? Why not then join in their relief now?—have you charily enough to comprehend the whole multitude of discordant faiths in the world—and have you at the same lime too little for the persecuted Hebrews alone?I, sir, am as strongly in favor of the entire a-bolition of the test as any member in this house can be. Indeed, one of the reasons which have urged to the support ot the Jew bill, is the belief that it would open the door lb entire and unconditional toleration; but I know that I cannot obtain that now. Am I therefore to suffer my charity to grow cold, and fall at once from the very boiling point to half a dozen degrees below Zero? No; 1 will keep it warm and vivid by exercising it upon the sons of Abraham. 1 would fear that if it should perish now, even a bill for the universal abolition of the test would not hereafter be able to restore it to existence.Sir, I can see many strong reasons, convincing to my mind, why the portals of religious freedom should be first opened to the Israelite —his religion rank* next to ours.—The God of the Christian is the God of the Jew. For the knowledge of ihat God, we are indebted to his fathers; that knowledge, like the sacred fire of old, was preserved by them from century to century, until the power of Omnipotence, thro’ the ministration of Jesus Christ, scattered it abroad upon the face of all the earth to burn with unextinguisliable brightness We owe to them the history of the antideluvian world; we owe to them a great portion of the holy scriptures—above all we owe to them the birth of Jesus Christ. Le*. them therefore first enter the temple of religious freedom, and not in company with the disciple of Mahomet, or the blood-stained worshipper of Juggernaut, whose presence is an abomination to the Jew.Having thus disposed of these preliminary objections, which, if admitted, would close the very door of discussion upon us: let us look at those, which govern the merits of the bill.The Jews are unworthy of relief! Why are they so? Bring forward your charges in the face of day; but fitst gather the dispersed of Judah, from the four winds of Heaven, and assemble them at the bar of this earthly tribunal, where mortal man presumes to act as the vicegerent of Heaven. Sir, as the advocate of this people, I plead to your jurisdiction. I deny your right to preside over the consciences of men. Ah! but 1 hear you say, we have the power, and we will exercise it. That is true. You have the power, and you will exercise it; and we must prove our innocence, or suffer the punishment of guilt.When a tyrannical parliament had summoned the whole American nation at its tribunal bar, to show cause why they should not be deprived of the rights of freemen; the immortal Burke stood forward as their champion. He told the British parlia--*^ ,Hat it was hard to draw a bill of a’£^.a whole peo-Pi ... rfelbis great man now among'St*, andvocating (as be would advocate) the caus'.^ol the oppressed Israelites—he would say agamy “ It is hard to draw a bill of indictment against a whole people ” There is nothing like it in the history of the world; there is no instance on record of the trial of a whole nation, at once, excepting that of the American people before the British parliament, and the Hebrew nation before an American tribunal. The cases are a-like The difficulty is the same in each; it is, that no such charge can be drawn into any shape, that will be consistent with the constitution of a free people, or the rrehts of hmnan nature. This is our argument of strength, and if it be true, cannot be resisted. Exhibit yourm but air, honor! the honer of the tute it con A nation may be dishonorable in aS^'imalfmatwi^x nation may be. ^‘honora-The Jews do not believe in Jesus Christ! This cannot be disputed as a fact; butinBd£m, cruel, without sommituiig a sm-outed as a cause of accusation them Jews? The same being who made you a Christian. They had as little control over the destiny which made them the sons of Abraham, as you had over that, which east your lot a-mong a Christian people. Born as you are, m a Christian community; taught no other fatth, or taught it only as an object of execration; isit wonderful that you prefess the Chlstian religion? _ \Bom ajthe Jcwa arc. de^ndants frfcm a line of ancestry, traceable V the first pericq of the world’s existence, all pofessing the safie fkith, a faith communicated iy God himself in the midst of thunder and lightning upon Mount Sinai-educated in this kith from their earliest infancy, and wedded * it by the cementing power of persecution, * it wonderful that they should continue to profissit? ’I he wonder would be, if they should bsrst through the mighty mound of circumstances in which ihej* are entrenched, and come over to the camp of Christianity. Sir, if they had been born as you were, they would have been Christians—il you had been born as they were, you had been Jews.When, therefore, you censure the Hebrews for not being Christians, you arraign that mighty Being who holds in his hands the reins of destiny, and who for purposes inscrutable to us, has cast their lot in ’.lie midst of necessities, which compel them to be Jews. It is their fate, it may be their misfortune; if so, they are objects for Christian charity, not for Christian persecution. Are you still disposed to condemn them, because they do not believe in the religion of Jesus Christ? I would ask how many in this Christian community of those who are not Jews, are believers in that faith? how many in this assembly, I would emphatically ask, how many among those, who oppose the claims of the children of Israel? You will answer all. This may be true in one sense—all of you may entertain a historical telief of the existence of Jesus Christ, and a theoretical belief in the doctrines which he taught—hut are you all believers in the true sense of the term? do you practice what you profess? If you do not, then you are in a worse condition than the Jew. who, to the utmost of Ids humble powers, fulfils the law of Moses. lie lives up to the light and knowledge which lie has received—you act against that which you possess. You have been born iff the midst of Christianity—you have imbibed it, 1 had almost said with your mother’s milk; you have from the pulpit, week after week, and in the closet, day by day, received line upon line, and precept upon precept; yet you wander from the line, and disobey the precept. The Jew has had none of your advantages, and yet does, he no worse than you; nay he does better! for the faithful Jew practices Christianity without professing—you profess it without practising it.“Judge not therefore, lest ye be judged, for with whatsoever measure you mete, it shall be measured to you again ” Whosoever here is without this sin, let him cart the'firsi stone. If this advice he taken, I am inclined to think that very few stones will be thrown,no, not one —for I am confident that those who ate without this sin, possess too much of the spirit of Christianity, to raise the hand of violence a-gainst these unfortunate sous of persecuted fathers.But you may say, we dont condemn the Jew because he believes in a different religion, but because, the principles of his religion are. dangerous in a Christian community.I ask how long have this race of people existed in this country? and when have they manifested that their principles were dangerous in a Christian Community? Sir, they have existed here ever since the first settlement ol the American colonies, during all which lime, nothing of this dangerous character have they manifested. They have been as harmless as Doves—like Lambs before their shearers, they have not opened their mouths, even in reproach for the persecutions they have received.But the religion of iliat people it will be said, though innocent in private life, is dangerous in the administration of government. This supposes the establishment of the Jewish religion as the government religion. The object of this bill i* not to do that. If you mean to say that within the limits of possibility, the Jewish religion may become the state religion, if it be encouraged by the passage of this bill, and therefore you ought to oppose it—1 reply, you adopt an argument which goes to the exclusion of every religious sectin the community— Catholic, Protestant and Dissenter. But you may say ’.hat these are Christians, and they would not seek any ascendancy over their fellow Christians If they were to gain it, they would not abuse their authority as the Jew would. Sir, this is reasoning against human nature and in the face of history.—Cloak religious power as you will, you will always discover with it one inseparable companion—the disposition to abuse itThere is not a religious sect in the world which has not abused power, when it possessed it. Did not the pious Calvin, when lie held ihe two edged sword of civil and religious power,stain it with the blood, of persecution? Did not the devout Presbyterians who fled from the tyranny of British intollerance, to build the church of God upon the rock of Plymouth, forget the day of their past calamity, and stain even the paradise of liberty, with the blood of martyrs? But not to go to past ages, look at England, or rather look at Ireland You there see six millions of Catholics, with human hearts in their bosoms, cheated of their birth-right, enslaved and trampled upon by the leaden foot of religious tyranny.You cannot expect more than this from the Jewish religion. And yet you have more to fear from every Christian sect than from the Jews, because every such sect is more numerous, and therefore, more likely to usurp rtlithe abiding place of their posterity The Jews of the East look to the West—those of theWest look to the East, and they all cast theireyes on that sacred spot where first amid all the sublimities of nature, the divine law of Moses was givento the Israelites That is their placeof future rest on earth. .The last accusation which I shall notice, is one of a heinous character indeed—The Jews crucified the Saviour of the world! What Jews' Not the Jews of this age or this eoun try—not the Jews of Maryland—The deed wa: done eighteen hundred years ago, and in a period of consummate wickedness throughout the world We have divine authority, for saying that the sins of the father shall not be vis^ ited upon their children later than the third and fourth generations—and shall the flame of human vengeance burn for twenty centuries?There is not a devout Jew in existence, who docs not mourn the deed done on Calvary. It was a bloody deed, and bloodily has Judah swered it. The generation who witnessed the crucifixion, had not passed away, ’ere the furies of fire and sword, famine and pestilence, mingled in the work of her destruction. Far and wide.“Temple and town went down, nor left a site.• Chaos of ruins ! who shall trace the void“O’er the dark fragments, cast a lunar light,“And say here is, or was, where all is doubly night’”Thousands were slain by the sword—the rest were carried into captivity, no age, sex, or condition was regarded, the very name of Judea was blotted from the roll of nations. W'as not this enough ?Their descendants from generation to gene ration, for twenty centuries, have been the victims of a persecution unparalleled in the history of any other people. In every period of the world’s history, in every nation under heaven, by every sect—they have been imprisoned, tortured and massacred—sewed up in the skins of wild beasts and thrown to the dogs in Asia-chained to the galling oar for life in Africa— burned to death in Spain—flayed alive in Italy —fleeced and sentenced to banishment from time to lime in England—plunged into the catacombs in France—knouted in Russia, or driv en to perish in the wilds of Siberia. Is not this enough ?It was only a few yea~s since, that a poor Jew in Polish Lithuania, was condemned to be tortured to deatlwon account of his religio They cut of his hands, and then thrusting the bleeding stumps into a pot of boiling pitch, called upon him to recant, lie only exclaimed, Oh God of Abraham ! have mercy upon them! O God of Isaac ! have mercy upon them ! Oh God of Christ! have mercy upon them ! and then expired. Which of these, Mr Speakc was the Christian ? The records (may I say) of Heaven, will bear testimony in favor of thegtous powtrBesidtsy, a Jewish hierarch only be sup-ported’by the. law of Mosi a.—These never can be introduced firlo this country. For, in order to enforce ihern, there must be a temple, that temple must be established at Jerusalem; there must be an espeeial order of priesthood, an order, which, since the destruction of the former priesthood, can only be established by divine authority.The idea of the establishment of the Hebrew religion in Maryland, as the government religion, is preposterous in the extreme; it is a conjuration, too weak to terrify even infant apprehension. If the Stale of Maryland, were the only spot on all the earth that afforded a resting place for these wandering sons of Judah, in their pilgrimage through all lands, we might fear an inundation—but The world is all before them where to choose.“ Their place of rest, and providence their guide.’’ They have however chosen one country asOught not the world to be tired of such scenes ? Shall we instead ol execrating the join in the fell spirit by which they are prompted ? We do join in this spirit if we deny them the rights of freemen—the inalienable rights of human nature. We do deny them these right3, when we refuse to pass the bill now upon your table. By the constitution of our and their country, by the constitution of human nature, are they entitled to those civil and religious privileges, which this bill is intended to couferupon them.As the data, upon which I found this position, I refer you to the immortal instrument which preserved to us the like privileges, when the hand of foreign domination was raised to crush them. I mean the’charter of our independence. “We hold these truths to be self-evident—that all men are created equal.” The Jews are men, therefore created your equah— but do you treat them as such ? No. For you say, they ate unworthy to sit by your side in the administration of a free government—-‘‘And endowed with certain inalienable rights. That among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.” But you have curtailed them in their liberty—you have hindered them in their pursuit of happiness, the best of all kinds of liberty, religious liberty; aDd the purest of all sorts of happiness, eternal happiness. “For the preservation of these, governments are instituted among men.” But your government is instituted for their destruction. You have put them under the ban of the republic. “Deriving their just power from the consent of the governed ” They never gave you power to deprive them of their civil and religious privileges. The people of Maryland did not surrender to the convention who framed their constitution the right to control their consciences. They coulfcnot surrender it, because it was an inalienable right.Sir, tlo you not acknowledge the force of this instrument? Yourarticles of confederation are founded upon it; and your existence as a state in the great union, is founded on the ar-will be registered in heaven*—the recording angel wili drop a tear of joy, as he notes it down, and all the melody of heaven will join in hallelujahs on the event.Some gentlemen are angry with this bill and will not vote for it, because it has taken up so much of the lime of the house. Sir, the only way to get rid of this bill, is to vote for it—otherwise it will return upon you again; it is in. vulnerable and immortal; cut off one head, ano-ther will rise up in its stead. Next to the dis-honor of suffering this stain upon ourconsiitu-tion, would be the ignominy we should suffer, should it be said with truth that no one in the \ Legislature of Maryland could be found, bold and honest enough to defend the cause of religious toleration. I will guarantee that one gentleman at least, will do all he can to prevent so foul a tarnish on our name and character.— Should it please the caprice of the people to remove him from the councils of the nation, or the wisdom of Providence to call him to a belter world, I guarantee that another will succeed him, tho’ he will be little able to supply his place.I beg pardon of the gentleman from Washington for thus introducing him to the houc*.I could not do otherwise, because his name is identified with the Jew bill. You cannot think of the one without thinking of the other—he was an early champion in the cause; Atlas-like, lie bore upon his shoulders at a time when it was too heavy for all othei men—it fell—he raised il—it fell agaiu—he raised it again—and again. Like Sisiphus, lie was compelled alternately, to roll up the stone, and suffer its recoil. The enemies of religious freedom in Washington, withdrew from him their support, and lie ceased to be a member of this house. Evau then, he continued to labor in the cause. He once more comes into the hall of legislation, and his very first act is to bring the Jew bill before the bouse! Lei him consummate the work—He began it, it is his right to end it. Let him be both Alpha and Omega. By Heaven !1 would pray for the stamp ol immortality, on wliat 1 havesaid, merely to perpetuate his glory.YUe .VcnA LotteryIs one authorized by the Legislature of Virginia, for the benefit of theDVsiuuA. Swamp Canal,which will be drawn in Norfolk on the 1st of March, under the management of Yates McIntyre, 36 Num hers, 5 ballots to be drawn.SCHEME:$20,000 18 prizes of36 do1.0001 prize of1 do 15,0001 do 10,000 18t 501 do 5,276 362 252 do • 5,000 1302 12and 13,950 prizes of ?6. Whole Tirkcts $6: halves 5; quarters 1 50; eighths 73 cents—which may ho had in great variety; ‘CORSE’SOFFICE.McKnight's Building, King street, two doors II erf of tluyul street, partly occupied by J. W. I ogan, aa aSNUTP TOBACCO STORE't here it s believed, more prizes were sold in theUnion Canal Lottery, (in proportion to Ihe number ol' tickets) than at any other office in ihe District.iL?Ordcrs per mail (post paid) enclosing the cash or Prize tickets in any of the late lotteries will meet witli prompt attention, if addressed to feb 23 JNO. COItSE, Alexandria, D. C.• *ex.t Lottery to be Drawn.THE VIRGINIA STATE LUTTERV, Bo. I, For the benefit of the Dismal Sinamp Canal Company, to be drawn FlttS I of MAUCII NEXT.scheme:ticles of confederation It iis a component partof the constitution of that union, and endowed with its power. In opposition’to every state enactment, this power is oinni—*cnt. The clause therefore denying civil and religiou* freedom to the Jews, is expunged from your constitution. The bill n°w on your table gives to that people no .iew rights, it merely preserves to them rights which are Immutably and inalicne’./ theirs.Sr. , if you continue to enforce this outlawed clause of your constitution, you rear up with the hand of arbitrary power that worst of all monsters, a religious hierarchy. Do not the words frighten you? and yet they are true.— The principles upon which you uphold even the pure Christian religion to the exclusion of every other, arc the principles which uphold the inquisitorial government of Spain, and the Episcopal hierarchy of England. The right to put up one religion is the right to put down another—the right to put down one, is the right to put down all; and the right to pul down all. is the right tb build up one upon their ruins. The right to build up or puli down in one particular, involves the right to do so in all —and you may therefore, whenever you choose it, establish a Presbyterian church government, an Episcopalian church government, or any o-ther church government, upon the ruins of every other religious society, nay, upon the ruins of civil government itself.In order to prevent these terrible consequences, let us vote for the bill now upon the table. Let us pronounce a verdict of not guilty in favor of the persecuted sons of Abraham. It1 prize of820,0001of15,0001of10,000Iof5,2762of5,00018of1,00035of500186of50372of251302of12139506Tickets o1....I .illy r 6,llalces, $3, Quarters $1J.variety of numbers, atJ. II. BUNNELLS’oi.d establisht:n ruiZK orrirr., ALEXANDRIA, OR WASHINGIVNCITY. O’N. B. Orders (post paid) enclosing the cash or prize tickets, for one or more tickets, will be thankfully received and promptly attended to, if addressed to tcb _ J. II. RUNNEI.LS.Splendid Success as usual ut Cohens' ! dj*No. 111 MtUKI.T.JTRZtr.No. 2-1517 the great capital of ONE HUNDRED THOUSAND DOLLS.! No. 24714 the capital of TWENTY THOUSAND DOLLARS! No. 9530 a capital of ONE THOUSAND DOLLARS!No. 13288 a capital of ONE THOUSAND DOLLARS!Via. tJJSJ a capj';i| of ONE THOUSAND DOLLARS!No. 32465 a capital of ONE THOUSAND DOLLARS !No. 32815 a capital of ONE THOUSAND DOLLARS' vereall sold it COHEN'S OFFICE, No. 114 Market-st One quarter of No. 5853.THIRTY THOUSAND DOl IHOUSAND DOLLARS! has already been presented and the cash instantly paid as usual at COHEN'SLottery and Exchangt Office, No. lUMarket-rt. Where the fortunate holder* of prizes csn receive the cash or renew them in theNext Grand Stale Lottery to be drawn in this cityin a few weeks-,he whole in one day, on the odd and rtei sustem, by which the pur-°r ,wo/“re‘ -^1 be certain of ob lainmg at least one pnze, and nutu draw three'Highest prizes, $25,000,10,000, 5000 beside. I0nn. sol u te. -Me,• Ticket* g4 Quarter* giTo be had in the greatert v^ety ofj^^ ^ ”COHEN’SLo.t.l,?ry k ,ExehtnS‘ Office, 114 MarketHillimne.i have been obtained than lt;assA-issaarSfSSprompt attention, if *ddre«cdto
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Alexandria Phenix Gazette
Alexandria, Virginia, US
Fri, Feb 24, 1826
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