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ititi UOfi8TIT1JTIUN AL18T. [JAMES GARDNER. JR.TEEMS.U.ily, )-r ..........................£8 lt;».6 00li paid m aOTincn ...... .0 00,Viekly, ppr annum, if paid in advance....2 f0 I’hoge terms are offered to new subscribers and laid suhscriners who pay np ali arrearages, fn no case will the weekly paper be sent at £2, .ole** the. money accompanies the order.In no case will it be sent at £51.00 to an old subscriber in arrears.[fj*When the year paid for at £2,00 expires, the p iper. if not discontinued, or paid for in advance, will be sent on tne old terms, £2.50 if paid at the odicK within tn» year, or £3,00 if paid after the .•xpiration of tne year.([/Postage mnst be paid on all communications and letters of nmuness.Sir Berrien's Address.The following is a copy of the Address which Mr. Berrien prepared for the adoption of the Southern members, and which was recommended by the select committee of fifteen, instead of the one prepared by Mr. Calhoun, though the general meeting adopted the lat-TO THE PEOPLE OF 1HE UNITED STATESFellow-Citizens—We are desirous of communing with you on a subject which is, in our judgment, intimately connected with the peace and harmony of theUnion. We makeno apology for doing so; our justification will be found in the motive which induces this address, and in the object which it seeks to accomplish. That motive is, to preserve, in its original freshness and vigor, the fraternal feeling which animated our fathers—that prompted them to “ordain and establish” a constitution, which, uniting us as one people, has enabled us t o advance with a rapidity unexampled in the history of man to our present eminent rank among the nations of the world. The object which we seek to accomplish, is to obtain from you a calm, dispassionete, and patriotic consideration of a series of measures calculated, we fear, to alienate that feeling, and to beget animosities alike unfriendly to individual and to national prosperity. We make no sectional appeal. We address ourselves to the whole American people, as to those who have a common and an equal interest in preserving and perpetuating the friendly relations which happily subsist between the different States of the Union. If our rights thus to present ourselves to your notice be questioned, we answer that it is the privilege of freemen to confer with their fellows on matters of public concern. If it be asked why has the present moment been chosen for this address, when (as it is said) no decisive measure has been perfected, the answer, is, that the moment most propitious to conciliation, is that which precedes, not that which foUows decisive action on the subject in controversy. If, again, it be asked what are our qualifications for the task in which we are engaged, it seems obvious to reply that the prolonged attendance at the seat of government, which our official duties demand, and the part which we are required to take in the administration of public affairs, necessarily make us familiar with the course of political events. But we invoke no aid from official station. We do not address you in our representative character, We speak to you as American freemen, and ask to be heard in the spirit in which we address you.The subject to which we would call yonr attention, is the controversy unhappily existing between portions of our fellow citizens in the two great sections of the Union, resulting from a diversity of feeling and of opinion, concerning the relation which exists between the European and African race, who dwell in its southern section. We invite your attention to a brief narrative of this controversy, its origin and propress, and to that series of measures to which it has given rise, which by a large portion, of the American people are deemed injurious to the ini crests of the South, aggressive upon their rights, and alike inconsistent with the true spirit, intent, and purpose of our constitutional compact. This controversy had its origin at an early period of our history. It began shortly after the acknowledgment of our independence, and has progressively increased, until it has arrayed in opposite ranks two great portions of the American people; and that on a subject which is, as to one, an opinion, a sentiment, or, at mos a question of political power in the councils of the nation; while to the other, it is confessedly, of all subjects of policy, the most vital. In its progress it has given rise to a series of measures, which have been more recently multiplied with a degree of rapidity that mani-lasts the determined purpose and extraoxdini-nary activity of those with whom they originate. These measures are all tending to the same result. If carried into execution we think their certain effect would be to inflict an injury, the extent of which it is difficult to estimate, on the Southern States of the Con-slaverv does not exist, shall not be discharged 1 from servitude in consequence of any law or regulation of such State; but shall be deliver- . ed up on claim of the party to whom their labor or service is due;3. That Congress shall not prohibit the importation of slaves before the year 1808, but a tax of ten dollars may be imposed on each one j imported;•i. That no capitation or direct tax shall be j laid but in proportion to federal numbers; ! and,5. That no amendment of the constitution, I which may be made prior to 1808, shall affect ; the last preceding provision, or that relating i to the importation of slaves.So satifactory were these provisions to the framers of the constitution, that the second, ! relating to the delivery of fugitive slaves, was adopted unanimously, while the rest, except the third, relative to the importation of slaves, with almost equal unanimity; and even that was sustained by the votes of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, and Connecticut.These provisions of the constitution affect the existence of slavery in the Union which was about to be formed, and make a specific provision for its protection, where it was supposed to be most exposed. They go further ; they recognize slavery as an elementary principle of the constitution, regulating or influencing the government created by it in the two most important particulars of representation and taxation. Whoever will examine the records of the proceedings of that day, will be perfectly satisfied that these provisions thus intended to be conservative of the domestic institutions of the South, were indispensable to the adoption of the constitution; that without it this Union could never have existed. The debates of the convention show that this was perfectly understood by the representatives from the non-slavehold-ing States ; and that with this understanding, they ratified the constitution. The act of ratification was a solemn pledge for themselves, and in behalf of their constituents, for the observance of these stipulations, according to their letter and spirit. How far that pledge has been redeemed, is an inquiry not to be answered by denunciation of the conduct of any portion of our countrymen. It is a simple narrative of events which we offer to your consideration, by the perusal of which our fellow-citizens, in whatever portion of the Union they may dwell, may decide for themselves the question of its observance or violation.For thirty years after the adoption of the constitution, these provisions were so far respected as to give no serious cause of complaint to any body. Passing for the present the pretensions set forth, and the agitations created by the Missouri controversy, we proceed to consider the provision in relation to fugitive slaves, its operation, and the resistance which it has been doomed to encounter.That provision is in the following words : “ No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another State, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the person to whom such labor or service may be due.” This provision is clear. There is not an uncertain or equivocal word to be found in it. What shall be and what shall not be done, are fully and distinctly set forth. It provides that the fugitive slave shall not be discharged from his servitude, but shall be delivered up on the claim of the owners. The constitutional compact—is part and parcel of the supreme law of the land. As such, it is binding on the federal and State governments, on the States, and on all the individuals composing them. The sacred obligation of compact, and the solemn injuction of the supreme law, which legislators and judges, both federal and State, are oound by oath to support, all unite to enforce its fulfilment, according to its plain meaning and its true intent. As to what that meaning and intent are. there was no diversity of opinion in the earlier days of the republic. Congress, the State legislatures, federal and State judges, and magistrates, all spontaneously placed the same interpretation on it. During that period, none interposed impediments in the way of the master, seeking to recover his fugitive slave; nor did any deny h s right to have every proper facility for the enforcement of his claim to have him delivered up. It was then almost as easy to recover one found in a non-slaveholding State, as one found in a neighboring State. But this state of things has passed away, and, to all practical purposes, the provision may be said to be almost defunct. Now, when we take into consideration the importance of this provision, and the clearness with wnich it is expressed, we submit to all those to whom we address ourselves, in what ever portion of the Union they may dwell, that any evasion of it is alike injurious and unjustifiable. This idea eannot be more correctly, concisely, and impressively stated, than in the language of two of the judges of the Supreme Court. In the case ot Prigg vs. the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, Judge Story said: “Historically, it is well known that the object of this clause was to secu e to the citizens of slaveholding States the complete right and title of ownership in their slaves, as property, in every State of the Union into which they might escape from the Staten*Vioioin vvnrp Violrl in anrvitiirip Tharight of property in slaves. The whole strut'- ' ture must tail by disturbing the corner stone. : These are grave and solemn and admonitory words from a high source. They state with great force the clearness, importance, and fundamental character of this porvision, and the disastrous consequences which must follow from its violation. Yet, in despite of these solemn warnings, the citizen of the South, seeking the recovery of his fugitive slave, instead of receiving the aid provided for by the constitution, and which the learned judges referred to have endeavored to enforce, is kdeemed to encounter resistance in every form which ingenuity can devise: from legislative acts—from judges and magistrates; and, , when these fail, from mobs of whites and j blacks, who by force or threats, rescue the ■ J fugitive slave from his rightful owner; while j i he is subjected to insult, to the hazard of irn-I pfrisonment, of heavy pecuniary loss, and even ; of life itself. A citizen of Maryland—Mr. I J Kennedy, of Hagerstown—it is well known, 1 I has lost his life in an attempt to recover his , | fugitive slave under this provision.But this provision of the constitution is vio- ! | lated, indirectly, as well as directly, by organized combinations of individuals in many of 1 the States, whose object is to entice slaves from ! their masters, and to pass them secretly and ■ rapidly, by means previously arranged, into Canada, where they are beyond the reach of \ this provision—a process which all will agree is as directly repugnant to its injuctions as its open or even forcible violation would be;| and yet it is believed that not one of the States | within whose limits they exist have adopted any measures to suppress them.We commend this statement of facts, rela-I ting to this provision concerning fugitive I slaves, to the serious consideration of our fel-| low-citizens in every portion of the Union, to I the forbearance of our southern bretheru, to j the patriotism and respect for the constitution of those of the North.It is impossible, in a communication like this, to avoid noticing the continued assaults upon the domestic institutions of the South, which are made in so many various forms.— Without striking at any express and specific provision of the constitution, they aim directly at the destruction of the relations existing between the slave and his owner, by means subversive in their tendency of one of the chief ends for which the constitution was established. We refer to the systematic agitations by abolitionists, which commencing in 183d, are still continued. The avowed intention is to bring about a state of things which would force emancipation on the South. To unite the North in fixed hostility to the South on the subject of slavery, is one means employed to accomplish it. For this purpose societies are formed, newspapers are established, debating clubs are opened, lecturers are employed, pamphlets and other publications, pictures, and petitions to Congress are circulated, while the continued agitation of the subject of abolition in one or other form in Congress, and the employment of emissaries to distribute incendiary publications in the south, are relied on to excite discontent among the slaves.No one doubts that slavery is a domestic institution, which it belongs exclusively to the State in which it exists to establish, to regulate, or to abolish. Any attempt, therefore, on the part of the federal government,or of any State, or of the people of any State,by director indirect means, to interlere with this institution as it exists in any State, to diminish its value, or to force its abandonment, would be a plain and palpable violation of the sovereign rights of such State. Such an interference would not be tolerated between independent sovereignties. It would be met by remonstrance, and, if necessary, by lorce— Between States connected, as we are, in fraternal bonds, under a constitution ordained and established “to insure domestic tranquility,” it is still more unjustifiable; and yet associations formed for this purpo ie, and openly avowing their objects, exists in States, within whose limits there is nothing upon which they can operate; whose sole occupation, therefore, it is to disturb the domestic tranquility of other States, and who are nevertfceless uncontrolled by the authorities of the States in which they are established. We will not dwell on this subject. In the same friendly spirit that dictates this address, we submit the statement which truth compels us to make, to the calm, dispassionate, patriotic consideration of our countrymen. We now return to the question of the admission of Missouri into the Union, and shall proceed to give a brief sketch of the occurrences connected with it, and the consequences to which it has directly led. In the latter part ot 1819, the then territory of Missouri applied to Congress, in the usual form, for leave to form a State constitution and government, in order to be admitted into the Union. A bill was reported for the purpose, with the usual provisions in such cases : amendments were offered, having for their object to make it a condition of her admission, that her constitution should have a provision to prohibit slavery. This brought on the agitating debate, which, with the effects that followed, has done so much to alienate the South and North, and endanger our political institutions. Those who objected to the amendment, rested their opposition on the high grounds of the righf of self-government. They claimed that a Territory,hav-tuove c tremitiCoNl talk, w the bes that th beensf rv, is, ( one thi soiueth The foi 111 itse the let probab ail Sou it, and encd. cure he. it is he will sh she treranee, time, c anothe foucibt1 to three[AIndiani ~AGem j er I The Pass, c ing leiI To city ofTiti, vital to! matioiTheult., \TariffHouseper hoister oSenattfor thiThej and TmostI Leonj otherlives tGoveidestrcTheital dieveryj seemstion tThecity oj all thi1 leavini hunteand hj Cruz,Mazai! equip! way 11 the rcMr.familiand 1day.11! .he i at tl humWill!doin the Tl so it gene time withguei the of woff anil T ed c twei ult. Pencuri Max neg] on 1 wen mor the it a| co ul pers all. thrcpas:ult.Ws Club O. P. B
Newspaper Details
Augusta Daily Constitutionalist
Augusta, Georgia, US
Fri, Feb 09, 1849
Page 2
Full Page
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PA, USA 17 Jun 2024
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