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interesting and Important Disclosures! OLD MR. BUCHANAN AND HIS 4AD MINISTRATION UNMASKED! Abstract of the Testimony taken before the Committee on Public Expenditures (John B. Haskin, Chairman,) to investigate Corrup tions in regard to the Disbursements of the Public Printing Fund. Forney’s Washington correspondent, “Occa sional,” furnishes his paper, “The Press,” with the following, which, owing to the important character of the matter, we give in detail.— Let the People read it, and jarge of the cor ruption of old Mr. Buchanan’s Administration. If such shameful waste of the People’s money is winked at and encouraged in the business of Public Printing, what is the state of affairs to other, more important, departments of the Gov ernment? This, however, can never be learned unless we have a change of Administration, or through investigating Committees. The Way in which the Public Printing is Farmed Out. Cornelius Wendell sworn—Examined by the Chairman: Question. Were you the printer de facto of the last Congress? Answer. I was. Q. Who was elected printer of that House? A. J. B. Steadman. Q. You are the printer of the House until you are superseded? A. That is the custom. Short over until another printer is elected. Q. He was elected printer of the Thirty-fifth Congress? A. Yea, Sir. Q. Did he ever perform the duties of that office? A. No, sir. Q. When did you commence performing the duties of printer to the House? A. Immediate ly on his election. Q. Will you be kind enough to state, in as concise a waiver as possible, the terms upon which you became the printer de facto, as be tween you and Mr. Steadman, the printer elect of the Thirty-fifth Congress? A. IT stipulated with him to do the work for sixty-four cents in the dollar. Q. Sixty-four cents on the dollar. A. Yes, sir. Q. That is, where you received one dollar for certain printing, you got sixty-four cents out of it for doing the work? A. Yes, sir. Q. by Mr. Fouke. He got thirty-six cents out of the dollar and you the balance? A. Yes, sir. Afterwards that arrangement was set aside and I gave him a stipulated sum and took the chances. He was very anxious for money and I bought him out entirely. Q., by the Chairman. Your first agreement with bin was to do the work for sixty-four cents on the dollar paid him by the House? A. Yes, sir. Q. And subsequently, be kind enough to state about what time, you bought him out entirely for a stipulated sum. A. He was elected in De cember, and in May following, I think, I gave him a stipulated sum. Q. How much was that? A. Thirty-four thousand dollars. Q. That was the whole bonny you paid him for selling out to you the right of Pripter to the House? A. No, sir; subsequently to that about a year, rather than have a row in the House about the matter, I paid tim $1,800.— It was a black-mill operation with him; he threatened to resign, and make a wuss gene rally. Q. Were any other parties interested with him in the profits of the printing on his elec tion. A. Yes, sir; Mr. A. D. Banks, Mr. Washington McLean, Judge Walker, and same two or three others, who held minor interests. The Profits of the Public Printing, and who Gits Them. Q. Were you the printer of the 34th Con gress? A.I was elected printer of the 34th Congress. Q. Can you state from recollection the amount of wonry paid during the 34th Congress for the printing done for the House of Represen tatives? . I think it was about $230,000; I am not positive; it was some considerable sum over two hundred thousand dollars. Q. Can you state from recollection the profit? A. Well, L could not come very near it from the fact L was doing the Senate and executive work, binding and all together, and kept no distinct account of the profit. I should imagine the profit ran near forty-five cents. Q. Forty-five cents on the doline? A. Yes, sir. Q. Can you state the aggregate amount paid for the printing of the House during the 35th Congress? A. It was a trifle over $200,000. I think about $212,000, if my memory serves me. I have all these figures to a cent. Q. Can you tell what was the net profit on the work done for the 35th Congress? A. I think it ran in the neighborhood of forty cents; some of the work is not so heavy as some other, because it is not the same style.The price de pends upon the style. Therefore we may do one hundred thousand dollars worth of a par ticular kind of work and make forty cents profit on the dollar, and we may do another kind and make sixty or seventy cents profit on the dollar. The prices are fixed by law, and the established scale is varying. Q. are you doing the printing for the present House of Representatives? A. Messrs. Hu glish Larcombe are doing the work at my office. . Q. Who is doing the printing for the Senate? A. Mr. Rives. Q. Who is the printer of the Senate? A. G. W. Bowman. Q. So you know the profits received by Mr. Bowmen upon the printing dove for the Senate? Do you know the profits of the Senate printée? A. I understand Mr. Rives gives him thirty-three and a third per cent. Q. He gives that anoint to Mr. Bowmant— A. Yes, sir. Q. Do you know the aggregate cost of the Senate printing during the 34th Congress? A. It was about $100,000; I think one hundred and four or one hundred and five thousand dollars; it was a trifle over one hundred thou sand s , by Mr. Somes. I want to know what the net profits now are. A. Lam informed that Mr. Rives testified before a committee of the Senate that he gave Bowman thirty-three and a third per cent, of the gross amount, but that he could not wake it, and that hhis object in doing that was to break Wendell down. So I have been told by the reporter of the Senate committee. In speaking of profits gentlemen must bear in mind that it ought to be calculated upon the aggregate amount of work done. For instance, give me the Senate, House, and executive print ing and binding, and, with the facilties I have for doing the work, I should say the profits would range about fifty cents on the dollar, all around—less interest on investment, per hayps, Q. Do you reemiber the aggregate amount paid for printing post office blanks during the Sart Congress? A. I think it averaged about $40,000 per year. , Q. Do you know the profit on that to the per son who was paid by the Government for doing the work? A. One half, sir. Q. Do you know what their several interests were? A. IL understood that Mr. Banks inter est was one half, Mr. Mclean’s one-third, and Judge Walker, I think, informed me that he had a quarter interest. Q. iad Mr. Steadman, at the time of his election, any facilities there in Washington for doing the work which the public printer would be compelled to do? A. None whatever. Mr. Ulopten. I would like to ask Mr. Wen dell what per cent would be a reasonable profit on the cost of the House printing. I take it at what you have said about the House printing is applicable to the Senate printing? A. Yes, sir. Take the average wit through—Senate, House and executive—and the work costs about fix cents on the dollar. As an evidence of that, I did the work, I think for two years, for fifty cents on the dollar, and made money by it. I took it, I think, from the estate of General Armstrong, who, died while he was printer.— That was the hovse printing alone. I had fac ilties then, for T was doing the Senate printing as manager for Tucker, and took the work from the Armstrong estate and from Judge Nichol son, who succeeded Gen. Armstrong. The President, the Printing Plunder, and his Organ. Q., by the chairman. Was there any con dition effixed to your doing the work of the 35th Congress, by which you were to own and ccon duct the Government organ. The Constitution ? A. No, sir. Q. That was a voluntary enterprise? A. Yes, sir. The editor of the organ is generally sup posed to command the patronage of the Presi dent. There is a good deal of this work at the disposal of the President—say an aggregate of one hundred thousand dollars per year, more or less. Q. At the disposal of the President? A. Yes, sir. That patronage the organ has com manded for years, it being impossible to keep a paper up here without Government support. Q. Is this one hundred thousand dollars worth of patronage you speak of at the disposal of the President personally? A. The law provi des that it shall be under the control of the heads of the departments ; but if the President signifies to his Cabinet that he would be pleased to see A, B, or get it, as a matter of course they will obey his wishes. It has been a mat ter of custom for the President to dispose of it. Mr. Buchanan has done it and his predecessor, Mr. Pierce, did it. I never had any inter course with the Cabinet in the matter ; my in tercourse has been direct with Mr. Bucksnan, and was so with Mr. Pierce. Q. You say the aggregate amount paid for the executive printing per year is $100,000? A. from $85,000 to 110,000. I think it will average $100,000, Q. Do the profits on that printing average fifty cents on the dollar? A. A portion of it averages much more, but the average on the whole of it is about sixty five cents on the dol lar, Q. Was there ever any understanding with you while you had that printing that portion of the profits should be used towards sustain ing the organ? A. Yes, sir. It was given for the roof sustaining the organ. Q. Was there ever any understanding be tween you and the president as to what portion of the profits should go towards sustaining the Government organ? A. No, sir. I cannot say there was a direct understanding I understood it, and I suppose he did. Q. There was no distinct sum fixed upon out of the profits? A. No, sir. The understand ing was that the paper should go on. Q. And that that patronage should support it. A. Yes,sir. I never had anything to say about editing it. The President Changes His Editors Often. QQ. Who was your editor? A. Mr. Apple ton, Mr. Wm. A. Harris, Mr. Simeon Johnson, and Mr. R. W. Hughes. They were changed often. Judge Black and Assistant Secretary of State, Appleton, write for the “Organ.” Q. L ask whether you can state, from your own knowledge, that any of the heads of the executive departments wrote editorials that were published in the Uniont? A. My impression is, LT may say, Judge Blick wrote for it. I think he wrote several artcles, but I do not know positively that any other member of the Cabinet did. That’s my impression. I could not swear positively, nev er having taken manuscript from them. Mr. Appleton contributed as editor after he went into the State Department. Q. Were his articles on general politics ?— A. On general politics. General George Washington Bowman on the Stand— He draws a fine distinction between a Sub-Contractor and a Foreman. George W. Bowman, sworn. Examined by the Chairman, B. Where do you reside, and what is your occupation? A. IT reside in this city, on street, between Tenth and Eleventh. I am ads itor and proprietor of the Constitution, and printer to the Senate. Q. How long have you been printer to the Senate? A. Since the 17th of January. I think that was the day on which I was elected. The 17th of January of the present year. Q. How long have you been the editor and proprietor of the “Constitution ?’ A. Since the 11th of April last. Q. Do you perform the public printing your self, or have you contracted it out. A. I per form the public printing just in the way a man would who was a printer, and undertook to discharge or oversee everything pertaining to the public printing. I employ Mr. Rives to execute the work for me, for which I pay him at the rate of 6639 cents on the dollar of all printing that shall be executed and passed by the Superintendent of Public Printing. Q. How much money have you invested as Senate printer to execute the work required of you? A. what money have I invested? I have Mr. Rives, as I stated in the beginning, employed to execute the work for me mechan ically. . Q. Have you invested any money? Does he not do all the work. Has he not all the materials? A. Yes sir, he does the whole work. Q. He owns the presses, materials, and everything with which the work is done? A. Yea, sir. Q. Have you made any investment for the purchase of presses? A. No, sir. Q., by Mr. Hindman. The presses are your investment for the present, being in your em ploy? A. Yes, sir; and I have the control of the office just as much as if it belonged to me, for the execution of the work I have to do. Q. by Mr. Somes, Mr. Rives is n ew tractor under you? A. No, sir , he is employed as a foreman by me. Q. I understand you to say that he did the work for you for sixty-six and two third certs on the dollar? A. He is employed by me as my foremal, just as I employ @ foreman in the Constitution office, to superintend the compo sition, read the proofs, wake up the forme and attend to the busines of the office, I give it all the personal attention required. Q., by the Chairman. Where is this public printing dove, which you were elected to do? A. Iu Mr. Rives, office, the Globe office, on Pennsylvania Avenue. Q. Who owns the building in which it 1 done? A. I presume Mr. Rives does,1 have never inquired. Q. Who owns the type axed in the compo sition, and the presses? A. Mr. Rives. QQ. Who purchases the paper? A. The Gov ernment, the printer has nothing whatever to do with the purchase of the paper. QQ. Who employs the hands who set the type and work the presses? A. Mr. Rives, as my foreman, simply as my foreman. Q. Have you invested a dollar in this con cern of Mr. Rives, where the printing is done, which you were elected by the Senate to do? A. I have employed Mr. Rives as my foreman, and he furnished the office and the material. General Bowman Dodges, Q. are the profits of the Senate printing, or any part of those profits, appropriated toward sustaining the newspaper known as The Consti tution, or any other newspaper ? Mr. Hindmar, [ object— The witness interrupting. By my election as Senate printer, there was no appropriation made in any way to the support of any news paper out of the profits thereof. History of the Post Office Blank Printing. Q. You have said that you printed the post office blanks for a number of years? A. Yes, sir ; for about fifteen years. Q. Did you derive your contract from the public printer? A. No sir; for eight years ! Was a contractor with the Department. Q. You say that you were for eight years a contractor with the Post Office Department ? A. Yea, sir, as the lowest bidder under the contract system. Q. When did those eight years expire? A. I think in 1352 or 1853. Q. From that time did you do the work as a sub-contractor? A. Yes, sir. Q. Under whom? A. I executed the work for the public printer under a sub-contract. Q. For for the public printer? A. Yes sir; and also as a sub-contractor under Mr. Wen dell. Q. You did the work under Mr. Wendell ? A. Yes, sir; I was sub-contractor under Mr. Wendell. . Q. at what rates? A. My first acquaintance was at the rate of fifty-five cents and executed the work for forty-five cents on the dollar, paid by the Government. Q. Do you remember what is the aggregate annual cost to the Government for the printing of the post office blanks? A. From $40,000 to 315,00 0. A year? A. Yes, sir. The President and the Printing Plunder. Cornelius Wendall recalled: Q. Has the President been in the habit of dispensing this Post Office printing? A. It was done by contract until 1856. I think then the contrast expired, and it reverted to of Congress. Judge Nicholson was then a and editor of the organ, and him, was io 1856? A. I think it was 856 who exercised the control up out of the Post Office blank » President and Postmaster December succeeding Mr. Bu ig into power, he gave it to Mr. sub-contract it for Mr. Rice?— was the understanding that to do the work as here to the control of it, Riese receiv ing, 1 thin, forty-three vents in the dollar. Q. Was any understanding when this work Was giveo to Rice that any newspaper was to out of it? A. It was un- Was for the support of the such was the understanding. .derstanding between whom? A. The end between the President and General. ‘Hindman. How did you know in conversation L held with sisted upon having more of the printing to support The Union, of those rather unprofitable pe ns, and Mr. Rice was very dow n share for the Pennsylvanian, settled on forty three cents on then made a contract with Mr. I did the work for me for forty ents on the dollar. He did it a t time for forty five cents, and a portion of the time for fifty cents. I had also eXme binding, which Rice thought 6 Pahafy we, but the profits on that were H0tso great, and the expenses of “The being very large, I insisted that I all the profits of the post office ng. 1 could not keep it, how ' thas? hairman. You stated that $20, be allowed out of the prose of printing towards supporting the neral Bowman? A. When i n March last 1 found that, pay Severns, I could not sustain in the profits of the executive ‘fere proposed to give it to aight be desig nated by the 2 this prop exe ep tion to?— 0,000 per that proposition Mr. Baker, the collector of Phila delphia, came down to procure sid for the “Pennsylvanian,” and finally I had to acceed to giving $20,000 per annum, $10,000 per annum of which Mr. Baker obtained for the “Pennsylvanian.” I have been informed that $10,000 of the $50,000 was for the “ Penn sylvanian,” but my obligation is with Mr. Bowman for $20,000. That obligation exist ed, and still exists, and there has been no ac tion had a relation to it, owing to Mr. Bow man’s refusal to carry out his part of the en gagement, which was that I was to do the Sen ate printing in case he was elected printer to the Senate. I paid Mr. Bowman $5,000 in advance when he took “The Union,” and the balance I secured to him by giving him orders on the post office work, which he could not draw, having no orders on it. Q. You paid him $5,000 when he took the paper? A. when he took “The Union,” I gave him that amount as a capital to start with. Q. Did you pay him any wore on account of the $20,000? A. I gave him orders on the Post Office Department in pursuance of an ac count he rendered me of what was due him, which orders I subsequently countermanded, on account of his not carrying out his engage ment. Q. What did those orders amount to? A. If my memory serves me, I gave him orders to the amount of $8,000 or $10,000. Q. Has he not received payment at the Post Office Department of those orders? A. I be lieve not, yet I do not know. Q. Was it understood when you transferred “The Union” to Mr. Bowman that $20,000 should be diverted out of the proceeds of the post office printing by you to its support? A. Yes, sir; that was the understanding. Q. Between whow? A. The paper was drawn up by Judge Black. It was between Mr. Bowman and myself, we being put for ward as the active men. Q. Was the President consulted in relation to it at any time? A. I first addressed a note to the President—to Judge Nicholson who was my friend in the case, for the President, and he took it up to him. In that note I stated that it was rather onerous to me to be obliged to support “The Union,” and what I desired to do. I suggested that Mr. Macdon ald, formerly a weber of Congress from Maine, should take the paper and become its editor. He was a competent man, I supposed, that in the course of two or three weeks Bow man’s name was mentioned, and I assented to it. We met at the Attorney General’s office, and Judge Black drew up the papers between us, which consisted in my conveying “The Union” to him. . . To Mr. Bowman? A. Yes, sir, to Bow man, with a stipulation to pay the money al so. There was a letter addressed in the du plicate to Judge Black and Judge Nicholson, selecting them to the umpires in case any dif ficulty should arise between us. ‘The difficul ty having arisen, I have tried to have it set tled by the umpires, but Bownsu wverishly declines. He found he could make a better thing of it, I suppose, by engaging Mr. Rives; and when he was elected Senate printer he re pudiated all our agreements, for which I have commmenced a lawsuit, it being, as I am advised by my counsel, the only remedy I have in the premises. Q. How much of a losing concern is this Goverment organ per annum, to your judg ment? A. If my memory serves me, it cost me, when it was under my usuag event, $19 000 over and above its receipts. Q., by Mr. Palmer, Did it cost you that amount per annum? A. Yes, sir; I think it cost me about that last year. Bowman told me that he thought it would cost him about $12,000 with his management. He being a close manager, cut down where I was disposed to be liberal. I paid pretty well for the ser vices of those employed about the paper. I did not quarrel with the editors about the amount they should receive, but paid them a liberal salary. The editors were generally designated by the President. Q. The editors of “The Union” were desig nated by the President whilst you had the management of the paper? A. Yes, sir; whilst I was the owner of it, Q. Were any of those editors in the employ of the Government? A. Not when they were appointed editors; Mr. Appleton was after wards appointed Assistant Secretary of State, and Mr. Harris elected State printer. Q. You have spoken of your liberality; be kind enough to state whether, out of the prof its of the public printing, you contributed, in 1855, certain sums to secure the election of members of Congress in different districts in Pennsylvania. If so, in what districte? A. I spent a good deal of money in politics, but with all deference to the committee, I must decline to answer in what districts. John Glancy Jones gets a share of the Plun der, Q. Did you make any contributions towards the election to Congress of J. Glancy Jones in 1858? A. A similar question was pro pounded to me by the Senate Committee, which I respectfully begged leave to decline answer ing. I answered that I had for years contrib uted to the sustenance of the party, that I had always been an enthusiastic party man, and still was, and that probably [ should con tribute more in the coming campaign if I had it. I stated that I had expended money in Pennsylvania, New York, New Jersey, Ohio, and divers other States, and 1 had given to districts represented at that time on the floor by personal and political friends. I now state that I did contribute in eight or ten districts. I cannot call to mind the exact number, in Pepussivania, during the last campaign, in sums varying from $250 to $2,500 in the dif ferent districts which it was supposed a little pmaterial aid would carry for us. [ did, a mon th contribute to 1 aes Serre trict, represented then by the Hon. J. Glancy Jones, and to divers and sundry others. I think in my other testimony I mentioned the names of the gentlemen who represented those districts then, but who, unfortunately, do not represent them now. Q. Did you contribute in Sandy’s district? A. 1 contributed in this district among others. The specific ground upon which I refused to answer this question before waa, that I pro tested against an inquiry into what I had done with funds of my own, and with specified places. I have no objection to say that I con tributed ware or logs to the different districts, as my check book shows, in sums varying from $250 to $2,250. I know there was one dis trict very hard to carry, but we did save it. Q whose district was that? A. We saved the Florence district from the wreck. I beg the committee will excuse me from going into details. This wovey was contributed for strictly party purposes. Q. by Mr. Hindman. Did you use any money to aid in securing the election of any member of Congress in any Southern State?— A. Never. I believe you do not indulge in the expensive luxury. I have offered to do it, but my offers have been indignantly refused. Q.by the chairman. If you had not been in the receipt of the proceeds of the public printing, would you have contributed money as you say you have done in the various con gressional districts? A.I would not have been able to contribute so much. It was the profit [ made out of the public printing that enabled me to contribute these amounts of money. The fact that I was in a public posi tion Silas to be remunerative, induced fre quent calls upon me, to which I responded. Q. by Mr. Somes. I wish to know whether or not there was an implied or expressed un derstanding between you and any executie of ficer of the Government that you should make these contributions out of the proceeds of the printing for political purpose? A. No, sir; none, except as to the contributions I made towards the support of certain newspapers which the President saw fit to assign to me to support. Q., by the chairman. Did any of these Con gressional candidates wake demands upon you? A. Not demands; they made humble requests. Q. Did J. Glancy Jones request you to as sist towards his election? A. Well, yes, sir.— In the course of a conversation he asked me to contribute something to it, and I remember telling him there was no necessity of spending money in his district, as it was safe anyhow.— We found, however, that it was rather unsafe when the votes came in. K Examined by Mr. Hindman: Q. Was there, or was there not, propounded to you before the Senate investigating com mittee, inquiring into this subject, a question of this purport: “Whether the President of the United States and yourself had any cor respondence in regard to the use of money in the elections in any State?” and if so, what was your response upon the subject? A. There was a question of that kind. Q. State what your answer was. A. The answer I intended to convey was this, that pending the Congressional election’ of 1858, I suggested to him, the suspension of the pay ment of its monthly stipend to the Pennsylva nian and thus, and the appropriation of that money to party purposes, to be used in differ ent localities. I was my own suggestion to him that, in my judgement, the money was uselessly expended in keeping up effete papers, and that it could be used to better advantage in getting out voters, circulating documents, c. I told him that I thought it would be better for the party to apply it in that way, and that I would take the responsibility of doing it, assumed the responsibility and did it, he not dissenting from that course , but there was no specific direction from the President to me to do it. It is justice to him to state that he had authorized the payment of certain mon eys, at certain rates per annum, out of the profits of the printing, to the Pennsylvanian and to the Argus, and that when this election occurred, 1, acting upon the belief I have al ready stated took the responsibility of making this suggestion and carrying it out. So that the sum or blame of stopping what I always deemed an unjust tex upon me, is the mechanic performing the work, and of directing the money to other purposes, if it was a sin, rests upon jealous. Q., by the chairman, Did the President agree to your suggestion? A. He did not dissent from it, H. You made the statement you have just given us to? A. I did. Q. Were your relations with him of a very intimate character during your connection with the Government organ as its owner? A. Yes, sir. A. Were you in the habit of seeing him fre quently? A. Very frequently. Q. How frequently? A. Really I cannot say. — How many times a week? A. I averaged two or three times a week--some weeks more, and some weeks less. Tie Division of Parties.—In 1790, at the Presidential election between the Democ racy who supported Thomas Jefferson and the Federalists who voted for John Adams, the latter got every electoral vote in New Eng land. Again,in 1800, at the Presidential election—the same candidates in the field— Mr. Adams received the unanimous electoral vote of New England. The whole North vo ted for Adams on both occasions, save parts of Pennsylvania and New York. The South was nearly or quite unanimous for Jefferson. In 1808 and 1812, when James Madison was running for President on the Democratic ticket, every New England State voted against him, save Vernont. 2Sates bis eee any Sothern. Sentee In 1828 all New England’ went for John Quincy Adams, except one electoral vote in Maine. General Andrew Jackson was beaten in every Eastern State. The South went al most unanimously for Jackson. After all the mutilations of politics and of time, the divisions of party are, geographically, about as they were in 1790 and 1800. The Speaker’s Page.—At present the mainstay of Speaker Pennington is the young page who stands upon his right, a youth of fine appearance and something near eighteen years of age. This Page was first appointed to of fice by Speaker Boyd, and has ever since con tinued to discharge the duties of “Page to the Speaker,” among which is now reckoned the duty of prompting the Speaker in the discharge of his official duties. He stands near the Speak er, and directs him in an undertone how to put every motion,and how to decide points of order as they arise. “Thaddeus” is known to all the politicians of the country as the most re markable parliamentarian of his age, living.— With the constructions of the rules of order he is perfectly familiar, and every precedent he has at his finger’s ends. Cosy op Tug CHARLESTON CONVENTION.— It is proposed to carry persons from Boston to the Charleston Convention, by sea, for $100 each, for the round trip, including board. If we take this as the average expense of those who will go to Charleston on this occasion, and estimate the number at ten thousand, which is much below the estimates of most of our co temporaries, it will be seen that this gathering of the unclean Democracy will costs a millon of dollars. 1 is probable, however, that the money will go into more honest and more pru dent hands, even supposing that a portion of it does come out of the Treasury of the United States. “Any Sutt rary Come.”—Nebraska Ter ritory has elected 40 Republicans to 12 Demo cratic members of her constitutional conven tion. This is the most extraordinary victory which the Republican party have ever yet achieved. The National Administration have always heretofore been able to control the politics of the Territories, through the nod offices, but Nebraska is stoung in rebellion.— She prefers free labor, and loudly protests against degrading white laborers to the level of slaves. She asks, and will have, “free men” for her ‘free suit.”” Now avralp OF AN “IRREPRESSIBLE CON pLICT.”—A friend, who was present, informs us that at Louisville, Georgia, last Tuesday, negeoes brought higher prices than ever before knows. Old men brought $1,000, young men and boys $1,500 to $1,600, and young women without children $1,900 to $2,000 and up wards—a field bands. The terms were notes with interest from date—equivalent to cash.— The people in Jefferson, we judge, have yer little dread of John Brown.— Augusta Chrome de, The “glorious uncertainty of the law was hardly ever better illustrated than by the Car stavg Shaw case. The first jury gave her $100, 600 damages, and the next jury gives her none!
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Bedford Inquirer
Bedford, Pennsylvania, US
Fri, Apr 20, 1860
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