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PAGE FOUREast Side]ticed total integration over a long period of time, to determine whether or not the purity of any of the races involved has been greatly diluted, and if so. to what extent this dilution has actually impaired the I \ effectiveness of those involved. ] ]The study of such a commission would show’, I believe, that the percentage of interracial courtships which led to anything as serious as marriage or reproduction would be so small as to be completely negligible. Should such a commission report a contrary result, however. then T would be among the first to about-face and join, actively, I j the segregationists among us. 1The second major objection which segregationists advance a-1 1 gainst racial integration is the question of morality. No thinking person would pass lightly over this problem; for it is no secret that the percentage of Negroes who are accused of crime is higher than the Whites. I admit that we have had and still have, to a large extent, lower economic and moral standards than many of our White neighbors. However, we must realize that this condition is not a cause for segregation, but the effect of segregation and discrimination. The more segregation and discrimination we have in our community the more we shall continue to have ignorance and immorality and poverty.To those who think that it would oe an injustice to Negroes to have them compete with White students; the answer is found in the fact that our plan is to establish a system of education and not a temporary scheme to relieve ourselves of a problem which w'e are not willing to face. Certainly, there will be instances at first where Negro Students are behind White students in development; though not because of any natural inferiority, but because the society in which we I j live has long failed to abide by its own contract to provide equal edu- l rational facilities for all of its children. There will be scattered in- ] stances where Negroes might fall behind White students, but shortly | lt;this problem would be, for the most part, eliminated.Others maintain that integration is all right, but it would put an end to the employment of Negro teachers. Those who feel this way seem not to correctly appraise the transition. In the first place, it will take many years to drastically change the present patterns of our I \ community; for years we shall continue to have areas predominantly j ( White, and areas primarily Negro. The law will not have to require j this arrangement; the pride which people have in their homes, | ] Churches, and schools will motivate this stability.What seems to be the second major defect «m their argument is i the idea that the same prejudices which are leveled against Ngroes j before integration will remain after integration. This will not be the 1 case. We are entering a period in which merit must rule the selection of teachers. There was a time when a person could get through college by hook or crook, and if he could do nothing else he would teach. This practice is rapidly becoming a thing of the past; in tomorrow’s world it will be unheard of. Thus, if a tea.cher has mastered his profession, and has made the proper adjustments, and is willing to dedicate himself to man’s highest calling, though he is yellow, black or white, there will be a place for him.Finally, let me mention the argument for separate but equal facilities in public education, as being superior to a non-restricted system. This argument may seem more plausible if getting an education were an end in itself, and not a means to an end. The end product of an education is a greater and more useful participation in the art of \ living in a civilized society. If an education does not help make out of j people more useful citizens to themselves and their community, then i it has failed. Conversely, if the community fails to provide those i whom it educates an opportunity to serve it to the fullest extent, then J the community is guilty of self-impoverishment or self-destruction.This is why I have not been able to understand what good an * equalization program could serve, if no sincere plans are being made ( to equalize employment opportunities. If there are to be no jobs in government, science, or industry, the time and money spent in educating the child are in vain. The question seems to be, what part will the educated Negro play in our society in future years? If we plan to continue our policy of employing all White on our hospital staffs, all White in government service, all White on engineering staffs, all White in anything which requires the least amount of brain-power,What W'ill the thousands of Negroes do who will be gradual ng each year? On the other hand, if we decide to be realistic and fair about the whole thing, and employ people according to merit, would it not be much more sensible and certainly more economical to permit the lawyers, doctors and engineers who are to be working on the same staffs just after graduation, to go to the same schools where they could learn to respect and appreciate each other?Questions of this kind have led me to request that I be permitted to enroll at Mississippi Southern College, without a court order to do so. I, too, am a solid believer in the ability of the individual States to control their own affairs. I believe that if this State should lead out with only the smallest amount of integration, it w'ould never have to worry about Federal intervention.I have done all that is within my power to follow a reasonable course in this matter. I have wanted the State to see that our position has at least some validity. I have tried to make it clear that my love for the State of Mississippi and my hope for its peaceful prosperity is equal to any man’s alive. The thought of presenting this request before a Federal Court for consideration, with all the publicity and misrepresentation which that w'ould bring about, makes my heart heavy.Yet, what other course can I take?Respectfully submitted,^ % Clyde Kennard
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Petal Paper

Petal, Mississippi, US

Thu, Feb 11, 1960

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