But John has not been left wholly without j consolation. He is a friend of the Union, and j of the “compromises of the Constitution.” He j is backed by the conservative portion of society —by the men of “property and standing,” who felt bound, by their allegiance to the laws, to assist in bringing to condign punishment the reckless vindicators of the “higher law.” Black traitor though be was to his race John was true to the great national panacea, the Fugitive Slave j Law, and one of the necessary instruments of i its enforcement. His case was calculated to ; awaken sympathy in conservative breasts—to I touch the tender consciences of the doughfaces —and he was with aid and counsel induced to ; bring suit against the midnight executioners of summary justice. He instituted an action for damages in the Circuit Court of Jefferson coun- ; ty, in 1847, against Elijah Anderson, a colored i man, resident in Madison—a person, it seems, j of good character, and possessed of a little pro-, judgment went against him. ;October, 1854; but to no effect, except a great : accumulation of costs. A colored person named j Clapman Harris was prosecuted in company ! with Anderson; but it seems that the latter has ! had to sustain the pecuniary burden, amoun ting ! to some seven hundred dollars, as we are inform -ed on credible authority. His house and lot in Madison has been sold to satisfy the judgment,iprotracted the case down to