New Braunfels Herald Zeitung (Newspaper) - February 14, 1985, New Braunfels, Texas
4A New Braunfels Herald Zeitung Thursday, February 14, 1985
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THE WHITE HOUSE
Jack Anderson: Reagan's arms talks slowed by suspicions
Dave Kraacr, General Manager Ro4»tri J ohs son. EditorWashington TodayDemocrat chairman faces fightBy DONALD M. ROTHBERG AR Political Writer
WASHINGTON — Paul G. Kirk Jr. Is getting a brutal introduction to what it means to be chairman of the rattens collection of competing interests called the Democratic Party and to deal with the Rev. Jesse Jackson's politics of confrontation.
How Kirk handles the conflicting pressures will provide a clear test of whether he can be a force to help lead the party out of its current malaise. However, it may be too much to expect the new party chairman to find common ground among the disparate demands of conservative Southerners, big labor, white wine-and-brie liberals and Jackson’s Rainbow Coalition.
He summed up his own and his party’s problem when he said during a preliminary skirmish two days before his election: “Those folks out there are watching.”
What those folks are seeing is a party struggling to find its way back from successive beatings by President Reagan.
In their response to Reagan’s State of the Union address, the Democrats came across as a party with an inferiority complex. The filmed response quoted rank-and-file Democrats as more critical of Walter F. Mondale than of Ronald Reagan.
The response to Kirk’s election was to reopen regional and ideological divisions.
Kirk is flying to the South later this week to try to mend fences with party leaders openly suspicious of his past ties to Sen. Edward M. Kennedy.
“I seriously doubt people in Texas will think electing a Kennedy chief of staff as party chairman is a moderate signal,” Texas party chairman Bob Slagle said moments after Kirk was elected head of the national party. With that, Slagle headed home to a state that saw some of the biggest Republican gains in 1984.
But Kirk is likely to have a better chance of success dealing with Slagle than with Jackson. If he thinks otherwise, he ought to chat with Mondale, who was regularly ambushed by the former civil rights leader.
Jackson apparently was angered by Kirk’s refusal to
accede to the demand that he accept the recommendation of the party’s black caucus that Mayor Richard Hatcher of Gary, Ind., be re-elected a vice chairman of the Democratic National Committee. Hatcher was chairman of Jackson’s presidential campaign.
Instead, the contest between Hatcher and Roland Burris, the Illinois state comptroller, went to the full national committee, which elected Burris.
After keeping a low profile in party affairs — he did not attend the DNC meeting — Jackson denounced the new chairman and the party two weeks later for engaging in “a scheme to have the party prove its manhood to whites by showing its capacity to be unkind to blacks.”
It mattered not to Jackson that Burris also was black and that Kirk voted for Hatcher.
Jackson also accused labor, which was a major factor in Kirk’s election, of throwing its support to Burris as a means of undercutting the power of the black caucus.
However, the vote tally showed several labor leaders voted for Hatcher, including Glenn Watts of the Com
munication Workers, William Winpisinger of the Machinists, Leon Lynch of the Steelworkers and Gerald F. McEntee of the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees.
It was reminiscent of Jackson’s confrontational approach to Mondale. On the eve of the 1984 Democratic convention, Jackson complained that “no gesture of substance has been thrown to the black community.”
While Mondale was interviewing prospective vice presidential candidates, Jackson attacked the process as a “P.R. parade” and indicated he was particularly upset because he was not among those under consideration.
Jackson is correct when he says that blacks are the Democratic Party’s most loyal supporters. The problem for Kirk and the party’s candidates will be to hold that loyalty while expanding the Democrats’ support among the part of the electorate in which it has been declining for years.
EDITOR’S NOTE — Donald M. Rothberg is the chief political writer of The Associated Press.
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Cost of living hits Texans
To tile Editor:
Tho people who spend the winter here should be glad that they can afford to play golf instead of complaining about the lower fee for residents.
They don't pay for using our roads. My car license Just went from last year $14.50 to $51.30 The Northerners must be affluent or they could not travel here every winter.
Sincerely, Gerda Barker
Goodwin students spook on vandalism
Editor's note: The next three letters are from students at Goodwin Primary. They address the vandalism done to their school.
We know what happened Monday. It was terrible, I didn’t like it. But y’all did a grat job deaning it up. Was it hard because I though it would be hard.
But the only thing I know is it was clean.
Ix>ve, Robin Lasseter
Thank you for taking your time to clean are school. You really did a nice job. The school was really damaged. Second grade was a mess and y’all cleaned it up. Y’all really put a lot of effort.
You friend, Josh Cox
to abortion view
Thank God for the “old men” referred to by Sonja Parker in her Feb. 7th letter to the editor. I am grateful to anyone, by they young or old, who has come to see the horrors of abortion and with the courage of their convictions act upon that knowledge.
In the recently released film “Silent Scream” I am told that one can see the suffering of the unborn child as it tries to dodge the instrument used
to take its life. Hopefully this sonogram of the actual abortion of a 12 week old baby will serve as a major source of education on this issue. Abortion is not just a means of clearing away a blob of tissue as the abortionists’ would have us believe, but the actual taking of a human life. Without wanting to sound morbid, please allow me to elaborate a little more on the film. One sees the little one recoil as its heart rate doubles, and when the instrument hits its mark one sees the baby throw back its head and opend wide its mouth as if in a scream. One can see, in this film, actual arms, legs, head. Mere tissue it is not! A baby it is with everything intact, even fingerprints.
Again I say thank God for all those who care enough to speak out (as the men did at the convention), to picket, to march for life. May their numbers swell.
My thanks to you also for giving me this opportunity to express my deep and undying concern about abortion.
Very truly yours, Marie Maddux
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Treaty violations cause suspicions in arms talks
The Reagan administration is putting on a great show of willingness to reach an arms-control agreement with the Soviet Union. But the president’s negotiators are laboring under a heavy burden of distrust, born of the Soviets’ past responses to complaints of treaty violations.
The negotiators know all too well the secret history of Soviet violations of the SALT I and II treaties. Though SALT n was never ratified, both countries pledged to abide its terms, and the United States has tried to hold the Soviets to their word.
I can illustrate the U.S. frustration by drawing on a highly sensitive National Security Council report on the verification attempts of recent years. The report was reveiwed by my associate Dale Van Atta. Keep in mind that this is just a single example of the problem.
One provision of SALT II was intended to restrict the proliferation of intercontinental ballistic missiles by allowing each side to develop only one new missile. The U.S. choice was the MX, as the Soviets were duly informed.
On Oct. 26, 1982, the Russians first tested their SS-24 missile. They secretly informed the United States that this was their permitted new one.
But four months later the Soviets tested still another new missile, the SS-25. This violated the SALT II agreement. The United States issued a secret, sharply worded note of protest to Moscow. A second, more detailed objection followed.
The Soviets responded that the SS-25 wasn’t really new, but simply a variant of their old SS-13. U.S. diplomats pointed out significant differences: The SS 13 was a silo-based missile with a single warhead, while the SS-25 was mobile with multiple warheads.
Most important of all was the SS 25’s “throw-weight” - its payload capacity. By the new SALT ll definition, a missile with more than 5 percent difference in throw-weight constitutes a new missile, not a variant.
And the CIA had determined that the SS-25’s throw-weight was anywhere from 600 to 1,200 kilograms, compared to the SS-13’s 500 kilograms. “Even the lower bound of the SS-2^’s throw-weight is 20 percent above the SS-13’s throw-weight,” the NSC report points out.
The Soviets replied by simply denying that the SS-25’s throw-weight exceeded the SS-13’s by more than 5 percent.
Since the Soviets had never agreed to on-site inspection of its missiles, the CIA has to rely on less direct means of estimating the SS-25’s characteristics. An important part of this sophisticated intelligence gathering depends on the radio signals, or telemetry, that issue from Soviet missiles being tested. By the SALT II terms, such signals are not to be in code.
But in July 1983, the United States protested that the Soviets were in fact scrambling their tests of the new missile. The NSC report states that “85 percent of the SS-25 booster telemetry and IOO percent of its reentry vehicle (warhead) telemetry consistently (have) been encrypted since the test program began.” It adds that “except for the first test, virtually no information useful or relevant to verification has been transmitted in the clear.”
The Soviets again denied violating anything, suggested the U.S. figures were the result of “a wrong approach” and noted that information on any aspects of SALT II “are provided as a gesture of goodwill,” not olbigation, because the treaty was not officially in effect.
The CIA went back to its computers and re-checked its figures for the SS-25. It concluded that its original estimate was correct.
Eye on the economy
An internal government analysis predicts rough weather ahead for the airline industry as it tries to adjust to deregulating
Continued “dislocation and reorganization” are in the forecast, along with still more mergers. The end result could be just four major airlines with a slew of small commuter and specialized carriers. The big lines will move out of the short-haul field entirely, the report predicts, and the adjustment process, which has already been going on for two chaotic years, could take another five to arrive at a “reasonably stable industry structure.”
Meanwhile, air travelers will be riding high - and cheaply.
— The high rate of bank failures -highest since the Great Depression -has encouraged the Reagan administration to push for deregulation. The hope is that by letting banks move into other financial fields - real estate, securities, insurance, travel - they will be better able to cope with the competition they’ve been getting from financial “supermarkets.”
In the process, my sources tell me, as many as one-third of the nation’s small and medium-sized banks frill be gone in IO years.
— While administration economists insist that current economic recovery is following the lines of other recoveries since World War ll, there is one atypical feature of this one: Interest rates are higher than they should be.
Considering the low inflation rate, the prime rate should be running about 7 percent or 8 percent, instead of 10.5 percent. The Treasury has cooked up a study that disputes the theory that the maaaive federal deficit* are keeping interest rates unduly high. But privately, the administration’s own economists know better.