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Lethbridge Herald, The (Newspaper) - November 11, 1972, Lethbridge, Alberta 4 THI LETHMIDGE HHtALD Saturday, Nov.mb.r 11, 1972 Strong leader needed By Pelcr Dcslmnils. Toronto Slil: Oilawa commentator BERRY'S WORLD A dose of bigotry There were a hundred issues, a thousand issues. Yet each voter had only one choice to choose one ol three or four little white circles and put an X in it. All of the issues he was expected to distil down to one name, one white circle. Why, then, was there such a pre- ponderance of non-French votes for the Conservative candidates last week? With each of these voters there was a complex blend ol reasons, and no one knows which had the most influence on the most people. Hardly anyone disputes that there was a wave of hostility, especially across the West, toward Mr. Trudeau, ap- parently for some 'of the things he seemed to represent. What were some of those things? One. we submit, was his sponsor- ship of the emergence of French Ca- nadians into ,the mainstream of Can- ada. There was a considerable but unmeasurable anti French back- lash. One of the few voices to dispute that is the Winnipeg Fi'ee Press, which curiously argues that since there were so other reasons for the West to vote against the Trudeau government, it is unreason- able even to suggest that anti-French feelings had anything to do with the results. From the great assortment of com- ments to the contrary, this from Paddy Sherman, publisher of the Vancouver Province, is much closer to the mark: It is true that many English-speak- ing Canadians supported Trudeau in 1968 on the wrong premise. It was nicely packaged under the heading that if anybody could sort out the "Quebec problem" it was Mr. Trudeau. Unfortunately, in my judgment, the real thinking too often was that he would "put them in their place" in a way no English-speaking Canadian would dare to do. Trudeau warned that they wouldn't like what ha thought he had to do. In came the assorted programs he thought would do the trick. They certainly did; the Quebec results showed that he had the right approach to do what he sought to Quebec in confederation. But in the process he soured every latent bigot m the country. That's a depressing thought, but the basic human condition includes a bigger in- herent dose of bigotry than most of us are happy to concede. It is virtually impossible to measure, of course. And it is so easily ration- alized. I'm not against the French, says the complainant, I'm just against the incompetent bumbling of this min- ister and that one. The fact that the minister was from Quebec is irrelevant, and so on. Too often that's evasive non- sense. What the election means about Que- bec's future position, and about the role of regionalism generally, is now a considerable worry. Separatist leader Rene Levesque is already using the election results as a banner. They show that the Quebecois are fools to think the rest of the country is behind Tru- deau federalism, he says. Unless Mr. Stanfield can keep a muz- zle on some of his western members, they'll produce plenty of "evidence" to support Levesque's viewpoint. Let's admit it; anti-French feeling was widespread in the West. Mr. Stanfield, to his eternal credit, tried to dampen it and to dissociate him- self from it. But his party cannot. Several former Liberal MPs in On- tario attributed their defeat to such feeling there. Mr. Diefenbaker ex- ploited it. Mr. Jack Horner, who won probably the biggest majority in Can- ada, was known almost as much for his resistance to the French as for anything else about the government that he condemned. Mr. Hurlburt, the Weekend Meditation winner in Lethbridge, did not exploit the anti-French feeling here but he acknowledged that it was a factor in his victory. The Conservatives (except perhaps in the case of Jack Homer and the like) are not to be blamed for taking every advantage of the government that they could. They might have gone more out of their way to allay public misunderstandings and mis- apprehensions, but to do that would have reduced their vote. The blame lies with the people, for their ignorance, for their lazy men- tality, and for what Mr. Sherman calls this bigotiy. They don't under- stand Canada, and they don't really want to. What is Canada? She is a blend of two great but still separate races, two cultures, two languages, English and French, with a multitude of other less official cultures and races being mixed into the non-French sector and indeed many ol them into the French sector. The bilingualism and biculturalism of Canada is a fact that French Canadians have only begun .to feel and English Canadians only begun to see. Yet on the map, in the history and literature, in the commerce, Canada has been one country for more than a hundred years. That French Cana- dians have not played their full role on the national stage does not make them less Canadian. French Canada is at the cross- roads. She must have national con- sciousness. The two choices are sep- arate Quebec nationhood or full par- ticipation in Canadian nationhood. Trudeau and Stanfield and Lewis urge the latter. Levesque says it is not possible, because English Canada won't accept the French, and so he is pushing Quebec toward separation from Canada. Because he saw the depth and the urgency of the problem so well and was in a unique position to do something about it, Trudeau pushed through a program to convince Que- bec that Canada could be her nation, that French Canadians could feel a full sense of Canadian citizenship anywhere, in Canada. That is what so many non-French Canadians object to. There is a re- sentment of French Canada emerg- ing out of its Quebec isolation and at- tempting to take its place in Canada. Whether Quebec separates will not be decided by Quebec. It will be decided in Alberta, in British Col- umbia, in Ontario. Is Quebec wel- come in Canada? Because of the anti- French feeling, both uttered and un- uttered during the election, Leves- que is now telling his people that Que- bec is not welcome and so there is no point in delaying separation. "But Trudeau is pushing the French Canadian fact down our throats. He's going too fast." How can a welcome come too soon? How can people be given their own rights too fast? The ludicrous shame of the North- em Ireland situation was caused in some part by the majority denying the minority their rights. The racial confrontation in the United States, which still threatens to tear the country asunder, was caus- ed by the Negro being denied what was his. "You're going too the responsible white leadership kept telling the Negro. "Don't push us. You'll get your constitutional rights when we decide to give them to you. Just be patient." But the Negro isn't being patient. Why should he be? French Canada won't be patient either. Time is almost run out. The final decision will be taken very soon. It will be based on the evidence from Regina, from Vancouver, from Leth- bridge. Living ior God Not everyone lives; most Just exist. Thoreau speaks of walking the streets of New York and not meeting a living soul. Emily Dickenson had something of the game sort in mind when she wrote tha pathetic line, "The long effort to live and its bleak reward." For the great mass of people life is trivial and boring, without any quickening wonder of beauty and joy. They know nothing of an enchanted world about them with "magic casements, opening on the foam of perilous seas, in faery lands forlorn." Charles Darwin in his autobiography de- plored the fact that he had permitted the poetic anrl nrtistic part of his brain to atrophy until he could no longer enjoy pic- tures, music, or poetry nnd even Shakes- peare "nauseated" him resulting in not merely an Intellectual loss, but a loss of. happiness and damaging to his moral character. He is right. The first business of living Is to keep alive, which isn't as simple as it sounds with few proper achieving it. A college graduate reported he did not like college reunions because there were so many dead men there. By "dead men" he meant men whose aspirations and Ideals hatl withered up. They had died on the inside. When life Is directed toward God, It In transformed with meaning and delight. Dr. L. P. Jacks, once the brilliant editor of llibncrl's Journal, tells of seeing an an- cient aslrolabo with the inscription, "This astrolabe Is the work of Hussein All, mech- anic nnd mnlhomalician, scrvnnl of tho Most High God." PHAYKH: 0 (lod, keep all of me alive tor all ot my life. F. S. M. OTTAWA No task is move urgent for both Conservatives and New New Democrats than increasing their strength in Quebec in the limited time that remains, perhaps only a matter of months, before the next fed- eral election. The situation now faced by both parties in Quebec is clearly described in an unpub- lished study recently completed by Maurice Pinard, a sociolo- gist at McGill University in Montreal. The central theme of Pi- nard's work, which will be pub- lished this winter as part of a collection of studies of political parties in Quebec, is the elec- toralconsequence of the schism that split the provincial Social Credit party in Quebec last spring into two factions under two rival leaders. With funds provided by the CBC's French-language tele- vision network, Pinurd de- signed and supervised an opin- ion survey last April of 577 French-speaking Quebecers liv- ing outside the metropolitan Montreal region. His recent analysis of this survey, in the context of political develop- ments in Quebec in the past decade, reveals the almost in- superable problem faced by Claude Wagner and his Quebec Conservatives in the recent fed- eral election, as well as future difficulties for both the Con- servatives and NDP In Quebec. The crux of the Con- servatives' difficulty is the dis- integration of Duplessis' old Union Nalionale party since 1956, when it reached a peak of. 51.6 per cent of the total vote. This dropped to 46.7 per cent in the 1960 election won by Quebec Liberals under Jean Lesage, to 40.8 per cent in the 1966 elec- tion won by the Union Nation- ale under Daniel Johnson, to 19.6 per cent in the 1970 elec- tion which created the current Liberal government under Rob- ert Bourassa. The strength of the Union Na- lionale was always outside Montreal, in Hie region sur- veyed by Pinard. In this region, the UN received 26 per cent of the vote in 1370. Pinard dis- covered that its strength in this region is now only 12 per cent. In fact, the old party of Mau- rice Duplessis, now called Unite-Quebec and still the offi- cial Opposition in the Quebec assembly, now ranks as the fourth party in rural Quebec, and appears to be in danger of disappearing as an important political force. Pinard's study revealed that more than half of those voters who had drifted away from the Union Nationale since 1970 had moved to the provincial Social Credit party. About one-quarter of them had joined the separa- tist Parti Quebecois and a smaller number had moved lo the Quebec Liberals. The significance of this drift from the Union Nalionale lo the provincial Social Credit party is heightened by Pinard's finding that Social Credit voters in Quebec now represent an un- usually solid bloc in relation to both provincial and federal elections. The survey revealed that 83 per cent of those who supported Real Caouette's fed- eral Social Credit, party said that they would also vote Social Credit in the nest Quebec elec- tion. Pinard'g discovery that the traditional "Conservative" vote in rural Quebec was moving rapidly toward the Social Credit party, and that support- ers of Social Credit in Quebec were moving toward a form of "straight ticket was confirmed by the recent federal election which gave Social Credit 23.1 per cent of the Que- bec vole compared with 17.6 pr cent for the Wagner Con- servatives and 6.5 per cent for Ihe KDP. The percentages of both Conservatives and NDP in 1972 were lower than in the 1968 federal election. The NDP in Quebec faces the same kind of problem as the Conservatives: The majority of its "natural" constituents be- long to a provincial party with which it is in fundamental dis- agreement, in this cav the Parti Quebecois. The Socialist philosophy of the independence movement in Quebec creates a rival pole of attraction which the federal NDP party has never been able to utilize or combat. This year the Quebec NDP made its strongest bid ever for the votes of PQ supporters. The dis- appointing result seems to dic- tate a re-examination and re- building of the whole NDP slruclure in Quebec, but lliis will be difficult to accomplish at a time when the Parti Que- becois is preparing for a Que- bec election expected in 1974 at the latest. At the back of every Con- servative's mind at the moment is the recollection of the 1958 federal election when the party under John Diefenbaker won 50 seats in Quebec. But the rea- lignments that have occurred in Quebec politics since then make a repetition of this un- likely, unless Claude Wagner can establish himself in Quebec more effectively than he did during the recent campaign. Pinard's study of the Social Credit schism in Quebec pro- duced the incidental conclusion that leadership still counts strongly in Quebec politics. "A leader with prestige or concluded the study, "has an enormous Im- pact on the choice made by vot- Commerce has no boundaries By C. L. Sulzberger, New York Times commenlator BRUSSELS outstanding feature of this historical period Is the development of multina- tional trading institutions as a factor In world relationships. Certainly this city, capital of an increasingly integrated Eur- ope and host to many octopus corporations, is keenly aware of this fact. The emergence of massive transnational companies began a century ago with establish- ment by Singer Sewing Mach- ines of its first foreign factory. By 1914 many other concerns including General Electric, Ford and Unilever had expanded to other lands. However, only after the Sec- ond World War did this phen- omenon become globally impor- tant. Several European corpor- ations created subsidiar i e s abroad but the most impressive jump was by United States busi- nesses whose overseas invest- ments leapt from billion in 1950 to billion in 1970, and are still mounting. Two years ago the foreign production of all forms of United States in- vestment amounted to bil- lion annually. Some consequences of this are analysed by Prof. John Fayerweather of New York Uni- versity in the current annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. He stresses the implications of this trend toward "real multina- lionalism" or as some call it, saying: "We observe a sequence of stages through which a firm passes from engaging In a small amount of export busi- ness as a sideline to a fully committed international outlook in which all operations includ- ing those in the home country of the firm are treated essentially on the same basis." Obviously when such a final stage of "transnationalism" is achieved the directors of a con- cern would cease to regard their program of research, manufacture, sales or develop- ment in terms of value only to the parent country of the enter- prise and would view it merely as an agent in the economic intercourse between nations. Despite the fact that a single conglomerate like General Mot- ors today sells in 17 countries items whose value exceeds tha gross national product of Bel- gium, Fayerweather still ac- knowledges "an inherent con- flict between the multinational firm and nationalism." This conflict has often been cited in Europe where, as in the case of France, there was fear that American companies were buy- ing out firms fundamentally connected with national de- fence. Fayerwealher concludes that in the present state of world so- JeatlHat the Cbriitnas catalogue xewn bfsvaf ciety "at critical points every nation state finds that its ob- jectives of national military security, domestic economio stability, protection of particu- lar national groups, and even national pride become more important than potential econo- mic increments from full parti- cipation in global economic op- timization." Furthermore, he adds, deci- sions on future operalions or development of multinational firms are often affected .by the global outlook and plans of the nation where these firms originated or have their head- quarters. Nevertheless, Fayerweat her believes the growth of truly transnational companies is im- mutable. He concludes the ini- tial advantage achieved in this respect by the United States will be slowly overcome by the European Common Mar k e t and Japan. "A century from he predicts, "it seems quite likely that people will look back on the second half of the twentieth century as a period of so- cietal transition in which the nation state and Its support- ing religion of nationalism re- adjusted to accommodate var- ious new forms of international structure for the benefit of ils peoples and society as a whole." Such a process may well be aided by the new trend toward decentralization of worldw i d e political power, a trend marked by waning influence of the Unit- ed States and the Soviet Union as leaders of rival blocs. The European Community, for ex- ample, hopes ils growing or- ganization will soon develop more world oriented corpora- tions and that eventually world- oriented incentives will play a larger role in international bus- iness. There Is no doubt that West- ern Europe, which used to be regarded as belonging to an American sphere of influence, is showing more and more eco- nomic, political and military in- dependence. A similar, if less dramatic trend, may be shap- ing up in Eastern Europe vis- a-vis the Soviet Union. Since 1945 Moscow has con- trolled economic planning and trade there as well as polilical and military direction. Bui, while no transnational private companies can possibly develop in Um communist orhit, there Is a pcrccplihle linkage be- tween easl and west European rnpprochemcnt and bet ween mounting East-West trade. Trade used to follow the flag but, If tho patterns described continue the flag of na- lion stales is likely lo follow commerce slowly Into a trans- national community such as Sinn have long dreamed of. "Bf golly. If thef oJJed 'lower tores' they'd hove makings ol a mighty appealing Letters Taxpayers' voice important According to whom, may we ask, is politics the first duty o[ the government? It's just about time our swing- ing politicians, our spendthrift bureaucrats, our wandering eco- nomists and our liberal press started paying a little attention to the warnings of an Indignant but very essential group within our society. You may have heard of them they're called taxpayers. The first duty of any elected representative is the guardian- ship of the public trust. All of them, from the lowliest fresh- man backbencher to the most eminent of defeated cabinet ministers, would be well ad- vised to ponder that little phrase. Guardianship has many meanings and covers every imaginable area of political en- deavor and administration. To guard the public purse Is one against depredation, waste, extravagance, plunder by those who would like to get their hands into money earned by others and against the temp- tation to buy the people's votes with funds grabbed as taxes. Something else to be guard- ed is the confidence of the gen- eral public In the integrity of the whole Institution of govern- ment. The reliability, honesty, veracity and competence of those running a country must stand up to a tough test. Once lost confidence is not easily re- gained. To give someone some- thing, as a bribe, is a poor way to earn his respect. Blame Ignorance, if you like, for the debacle of last Monday. Blame lack of communication, arrogance of the government, the anti French element or Mr. Trudeau's air of superior detachment. If you try you can blame the tide, or even the weather, but why not face ill the facts. Our Liberals have betrayed the public trust. They have sad- dled us with a monstrous tod unbearable debt and a thousand wild and costly program! we can't get rid of. They have m- furiated the taxpayers and led us to virtual bankruptcy. It isn't only bankruptcy of dollan but Initaitive, confidence, en- ergy, savings, thrift, prudence and faith in our future have been destroyed or at least un- dermined. Work is now out of style and has been replaced by inflation. The members of the govern- enment deserve every bit of the mess they are in. The country does not. While the politicians are saving their own skins the press would do well to chal- lenge productive taxpayers to greater effort. L. K. WALKER. Milk Eiver. Surveys reflect opinions Now that the election is over and the final results for this con- stituency have been published, we feel that it would be useful to have a hindsight look at the survey conducted by the stu- dents from the University of Lethbridge. First, however, there are a number of points which must be clarified con- cerning surveys in general which we feel were not made clear IB Ttit Herald's original report. Surveys are NOT In and of themselves predictions of the final outcome of an election. They are instead, statements about how a population as a whole feels about a question at the time the survey is actually taken. Predictions can, how- ever, be made on the basis of information generated by a sur- vey plus other relevant data. There are two major problems which must be noted when using survey data as the basis for a prediction. One is the ten- dency for people to change their minds between the Ume of the survey and when they actually mark their ballots. The other is the percentage of people who are as yet undecid- ed when the survey Is taken. Keeping these problems in mind let us take a look at how valid the results of our survey were. The survey indicated that 39.8 per cent of the population favor- ed Mr. Hurlbert, 18.5 per cent Mr. Russell, 5.4 per cent Mr. Hoffman, 4.6 per cent Mr. Han- cock and significantly 31.6 per cent were undecided. How these undecided votes are proportion- ed to the candidates is the cru- cial factor in interpreting the results of the survey. There are a number of ways by which this can be done and only hind- sight can indicate which U cor- rect. If we say, however, that those who were undecided did in the end cast their ballots in the same manner as those who had already decided when fur- veyed, the figures become N.S per cent, 27.1 per cent, 7.9 per cent and 6.7 per cent respec- tively. Interpreted this way the survey was less than of 1 per cent out with respect to Mr. Hurlbert and Mr. Hancock while it did over estimate Mr. Russell's support and underes- timate Mr. Hoffman's by about 4 per cent. In no case was the survey out more than 5 per cent from the votes actually cast. One final point needs to be made. Surveys are not conduct- ed only as an academic exer- cisc. If a democracy is going to work the government must be able to ascertain the wishes of the people at times other than elections. Asking everyone bow they feel about a subject is too time consuming and too expen- sive. Surveys are the only prac- tical answer and the above re- sults show that, within limits, t properly conducted survey of t small part of the entire popula- tion can actually reflect the op- inions of the whole. KEN G. RUNGE JOHN SZUMLAS The Letlibrulge Herald 604 7th St. S., Lethbridge, Alberta LETHBRIDGE HERALD CO. LTD., Proprietors and Publlsbcri Published ]905 -1954, by Hon. W. A. BUCHANAN Sfcond Clasi Mall Registration No. Mil Member of Tha Cnnadlan Press and tho Canadian Dally Newipaptr PuDlllnerr Auoelahon and Hit Audit Bureau ol clrculalloni CLEO W. MOWERS, Edllor and Publlsnir THOMAS H. ADAMS, Gintral Manigor DON PILLING WILUAM HAY Managing Editor Assnchtr Edllor ROY F. MILES OOUOI.Ai, K. WALKER Killing Manager Editorial Pane Edllor THE HERALD SERVES THE SOUTH" ;