Lethbridge Herald, The (Newspaper) - November 7, 1972, Lethbridge, Alberta
4 THE LETHBRIDGE HERALD Tuesday, November 7, Exiles eye Indochina opportunity An end to a hid law The title ot Bill 119, which is now before Iho legislature, is An Act to Uqjcal the Communal Property Act. l-'or several decades, Alberta's Communal Property Act has control- led _ which means restricted the number and size Hutterite colo- nies. Whatever the ostensible justi- fication for enacting that legislation, or however it has been defended since, its root was prejudice, its effect has been discrimination. Both are utterly out of place in the laws a society that values liberty and the freedom of the individual. Bill 119 is Urns most welcome, and the government is to be congratulated most warmly on introducing it. What- ever else may occur, its speedy pas- sage alone will make this session of the legislature a memorable one. A British tragedy The need for statutory wage and price controls to stem the tide of a raging 17 per cent yearly inllalion- 'ary rate on wages and an eight per rail rate on prices in Great Britain, is all too evident. Yet it is a tragedy for the country that the industrial wing of the British labor movement has seen fit to pit itself against the government in a confrontation that -has all the evidence of politicking and little evidence of common sense. Nobody likes statutory controls. They are difficult to administer and sooner or later they lead to social crisis. That is usually when the law has to be enforced, someone goes to jail because of his refusal to comply, and the fat of fury is in the fire of domestic discontent. Talks between the government, the industrial chiefs and the trade union- ists broke down. There was nothing Mr. Heath could do but resort to the only alternative left to him to prevent further descent down the path to bankruptcy. The Prime Minister's job is to gov- ern, and that means taking essential questions lo Parliament. Statutory price and wage controls will have full, and no doubt acrimonious dis- cussion in the House of Commons where such discussion belongs. In the meantime controls have become the law of the land. Nobody ILkes this kind of arbitrary rule of the economy industry, the trade unions, the shop keepers or anyone else. It won't be a popular move. It is almost certain to foment bitterness, particularly among the militant trade unionists, it's tragic that the prime minister has been forced to make the choice between almost inevitable social confrontation and economic dis- aster, but the implacability of cer- tain elements in the British labor movement has assured a battle of this kind ol the British people. A painful dilemma A reporter named Peter Bridge went to jail the other day. He was con- victed of contempt of court. His sen- tence is indefinite, but he can get out whenever he is willing to do what a judge said he must, reply to a pros- ecutor's questions concerning a story .he wrote. Bridge is an investigate reporter; it doesn't matter where. Last sum- mer he got word of an attempt to bribe a member of a housing author- ity. He dug into the matter, as a good reporter should, and finally came up with a story which was print- ed under his byline. The affair snow- balled, and a full investigation was ordered. Bridge was summoned to testify, but declined on the grounds that to do so would imperil a source of information he felt duty bound to protect. The prosecutor disagreed with this position, and so did a judge. After the usual series of appeals, the Sup- reme Court declined to intervene. So Bridge went to jail. The traditional stance of the re- porter has always been that he can- not comply with demands for informa- tion, even when the demands come from I lie court, if compliance means violating the confidence of his source of information. This has been suc- cessfully pleaded so often that gen- erally prosecutors and judges have fallen out of the habit of summoning reporters to testify. This near-immu- nity has been quite informal, not sup- ported by specific law. It would ap- pear that, at least in the United States it may be coming lo an end. There is a most painful duemna here. It is reab'zed no system of law can stand if individuals may decide not to obey the orders of the court, even when (hey honestly believe there is moral justification for doing so. But it is a sad thing to see a man go to jail, not for committing a crime, but because he believes a certain course of action is right, and has the moral courage to take that course. Perhaps it is a matter of the times. Laws change; slowly, perhaps, but bad laws are superseded by good laws, and good laws make way for better ones. When a change is in the wind, it may well be that those affect- ed by a law due for change, are aware of a need for change sooner 1han are those who must administer it. Thieu resists By Jane lluckvalc President Thieu is being told from all sides that he is the only obstacle to the ceasefire agreement in Vietnam; that the arrangement wliicli Hanoi claims the U.S. agreed lo, is perfectly equitable; and that he, and he alone, is responsible for holding up proceedings. What Thieu says, is that he will not knuckle under lo an agreement which does not include the departure of the North Vietnamese as well as the Americans from his country, nor will he agree to a cease- fire that doesn't include Cambodia and Laos as well as South Vietnam. He resists the idea of coalition which would include appointees of the Vietcong and so-called neutralists, as well as representatives from lii.s own government. The president's resistance to the proposal of an interim coalition government even though there is some indication that the Communists have agreed to hold free elections six months after the ceasefire has a reasonable basis. For one thing, there has been no announced settlement of the balance of representation within the proposed coalition. Thieu could hardly agree to equal representation of appointees from his own government, the Vielcong and the so called neutralists. The Communists control only 10 per cent of Soulh Vietnam, lie argues and this statement is bom out by on-the-spot ol> servers. The VC could not poll more than 20 per cent, probably less of the popular vole In a free election. An interim govern- ment should reflect this fact, says Thieu. As for representations by neutralists in I ho coalition arc there any neul.ralisU inside South Vietnam, including his polit- ical opponents, who could really be call- ed neutral vis-a-vis communism and non- communism? Tliicu's position Is that Ihc Communists want to exploit the rifts in South Viclnam- cse political fnclioas to their own advant- age, which Ihcy would undoubtedly do given Hie right circumstances and enough time. Further, Thieu has demanded assurance that there will be no prescription in ad- vance of the elections following the interim coalition government, which would provide for a place for any particular group or faction in the ensuing government, regard- less of its voting strength. He has not re- ceived tliis assurance. The president is doing his desperate best to prevent what he believes to be a sellout in Vietnam. He demands guarantees that would prevent his country from being taken over by the Communisls in a short time, militarily, politically, or any other way. Because Hanoi has moved slightly towards an accommodation with the U.S., does that mean that Thieu has lo cave in lo North Vietnamese demands prior to a ceasefire? A concession or two by Hanoi is so unusual that it created a ceasefire atmosphere before the fact. From Thicu's point of he is now being requested to concede a great deal more than the North Vietnamese are. It is beginning to appear that Thieu lias President Nixon's support in his "unreasonable" stand. If he hasn't why the delay? Thicu is not the most democratic or even Hie most popular leader around. Well- founded charges of corrpuUon and .slrong- arm taclics have been levelled at him. But in the present crisis he lias won consider- able support even among his most bitter political critics in South Vietnam by re- fusing to be coerced his American pat- rons. He has, aflcr all, said that he is willing to slep down in order to hold elections. While his eonccplion of a free el- ection may differ from thai held in Iho U.S., Hie Coinniunisls do not approve of elections involving p.nrlicipaliou of individu- als in political decisions Tit all. Any leader world bis salt would be likely lo flo what Thicu is so obviously doing now Iho most allraclive terms possible from I lie enemy before laying down arms even ;il I he risk of nnlngon- a iiiiglily ;illy wilhmil vvliwc coopera- lion Iho pence uill be lust in win1 Hint never should luive lly C. L, Sulzbcrgcr, New York Times commentator PARIS A curious footnote to the wind-down of Hie Indo- china war is a revival of hopes among political leaders exiled from that area of finding new opportunities to play roles in its development. This applies not only to the considerable gathering ot em- igres in Paris (mostly from Vietnam) who have been at- tempting to influence foreign nalions as well as sympathetic factions in their own lands. More significant is the attempt cf naliclial figures who once guided their countries desti- nies to return lo the seals of power. Of these, by far the most im- portant in Southeast Asia is Prince Norodom Sihanouk, now an exile in Peking. Sihanouk had previously been king of Cambodia and then its chief of government and virtual dic- liilor until ousted by military conn d'etat. The prince lias remained ac- tive ever since fleeing to China. His p.-evous method of ruling had been unusual and flamboy- ant but it was clearly guided by Hie fear that Vietnam, whe- ther dominaled by Hanoi or Saigon, might threaten his own weaker land's independence. A thread of neutralism always ran through his policy. Sihanouk's chances in Puom- Penh have recently improved because Lon Nol, head of the Putsch that ousted him, is physically ill and his regime is slowly eroding away. There is little doubt that both Peking and Hanoi would accept him once again as Cambodia's boss and, whatever the precise final terms of settlement between north and south Vietnam, Sai- gon would have lo go aluiig. Another exile whose voice has been heard aflcr yours of sil- ence is Bao Dai, former emper- or of Vietnam and a well-heeled refugee in southern France. Dai let it be known that he would be willing to return lo Saigon and work TOT ils rehab- ilitation as the political kaleido- scope changes. Bao Dai is undoubtedly brave as proven by his former hobby of cave-shooting tigers. This means scrambling into a cave with a lamp attached to the head and aiming at the ani- mal's eyes. There is only time for one shot; a near-miss is no good to the hunter. However, the ex-emperor dis- played none of this courage when it came lo helping the Vi- etnamese fight their battles over the last quarter of a cen- lury. Once the warlord armies supporting him were chopped down lo size and Ngo Dinh Diem took over under Ameri- can tutelage, he was content to fade away. Sihanouk and Bao Dai whose chances of return are re- spectively very good and al- most nil are but part of an internaUonal group of political exiles slUl dreaming of return to authority. They include form- er Argentine dictator Peron, living in Madrid; former Greek king Constantino, in Rome; former Greek premier Kara- manlis, in Paris and a host lesser figures ranging from Milton Obole, erstwhile presi- dent of Uganda, to a dwindling "OK, OK! But see if you can get him to leave his horse outsidel" pride of royal pretenders lo non- existent thrones. It is an old adage that exile is a bad counsellor and there is scant evidence thai any of Ihe parsonages named above have gained much knowledge from Iheir forlorn experience. Nev- ertheless, if a refugee slales- man bets on the winning side, his chances of come-back are enormously improved. That is probably the case with Siha- nouk who has not onfy kept his hand in with the Chinese but has traveled abroad to speak his case. History is studded with na- tional leaders who Improved their tactical expertise far from their native lands: Gand- hi, from South Africa; Lenin from Switzerland; Trotsky from the United States; Sun Yat-Sen from the West and Chiang Kai- Shek (who had his Cliinese moment, afler all) from Ihe mililary colleges of Japan. There are even exiles who ware forced by circumslance to flee and carved out distin- guished careers abroad. The eighteenth century Tory, Ben- j a m i n Thompson, remained loyal to Britain, quit revolu- tionary America, was knighted by London and became grand chamberlain of Bavaria. The approaching wind down in Indochina will almost cer- tainly see the return to that of various exiles from Sihanouk down to Vietnamese intellectuals who haunt Paris cafes and salons. By curious coincidence, the same moment in history will see the aged Peron going back to Argentina to die in splen- dor, if nothing else and even, conceivably, a later attempted comeback by Karamanlis. What the exiles have learned, we do not know; bul it is a safe bet lhal none is a Sun Yat-Sen, Lenin or a Gandhi. Ulster Protestants will not like loyalty price By Dave Humplt-cjs, FP Publications London commentator LONDON: With publication of Secretary of State Willie Whitelaw's discussion paper for future government, NorllkTn Ireland Protcstanls can bPTin to see the price of I heir long- protested loyalty, the British connection. Some ol them are not going to like il. Promising, for the umpteenlh time, that Northern Ireland will remain in the United Kingdom as long as a majority of ils people wish, the paper goes much farther than expected at this stage in laying down British government conditions for ils troubled province in a plebiscite next spring. With a straight choice of slay- ing British or integration with the Irish Republic, the Erilkh link is considered a hands-down winner. Between now and the voting Mr. Whitelaw will do all he can to impress that a "yes" vole means the following: A regional assembly quile different from the suspended provincial legislature. Among criteria which the paper says future proposals must mccl is one that any assembly "must be capable of involving all ils members constructively in ways which satisfy them and< Ihcpe they represent that the whole community has a part to play in the government of the prov- ince." Responsibility lor security will remain with London for Ihc foreeeable future. The paper is explicit about this, as long as Ihe army remains which by any estimate will be years. But the paper also pointedly com- ments: "II is of great import- ance lhat luture arrangements for security and public order musl command public confi- dence bolh in Northern Ireland itself, and in the U.K. as a whole." Security control is the mosl obvious power which will bo denied to the new assembly. Any proposal keeping the police under the powers of a Unionist- Loyalist dominated legislature wonIcS not command general confidence in either Ulster or Ihe U.K. Mr. Whitelaw, who has listened to thousands of views formally and otherwise, will understand this. Taking into account what he calls "t h e Irish Mr. Whitelaw suggests any solution should "he so far as possible acceptable to and accepted by the Republic of Ireland This doesn't mean Dublin will have veto power over discussions between Belfast and London. Rather it is framed in the common- sonse context of recognizing areas where Dublin and Belfast have mutual interests, if only in combating terrorism and in eco- nomic co-ordination. The main objectives of new os n moKer fil Inet, a certain amount of 'snot on' nnrl 'tliity hinincu' in politics is a good you institutions for the province must be to seek "a much wider consensus than hitherto existed" and to work efficiently in the i n I c r e s t of slabilily, peace, order and good government, This point, in itself, rules out the simple return to Stormonl, Ihe former legislature, which the loyalist Vanguarders de- mand as a minimum condition. Mr. Whitelaw's exercise is the latest chapter in a political ini- tiative. As he himself admits, Northern Ireland requires both strong political and military ini- tiatives. On the streets of Bel- fast and Londonderry, he is be- ing faulted for weakness on the military side, in Hie face of ever-escalating death and des- truction. There he might be compared lo a mayor lecturing his citizens about playing with matches while flames engulf Uie city. In a speech here, Capt. Law- rence Orr, leader of Unionist MPs at Westminster, has asked two questions which now put Mr. Whitelaw's paper into sharp focus: (t) Has the U.K. the will and determinatin lo defeat political violence? Behind increasing Loyalist restlessness and frus- tration are figures showing lhal half of all Ihe deaths since the emergency began in have been recorded since Mr. White- law look direct control last March. There have been three times as many armed robber- ies, netting twice as much loot this year as last. Explosions have fallen from 70 a week dur- ing dreadful July to about 30 a week now. Undoubtedly a ma- jority in Ulster i.ow look for a much toughed up military ac- tion lo match Mr. Whitclaw's polilicnl deed. (2) Has the United Kingdom Ihe will lo sustain democrati- cally expressed wishes of the majority in Ulster? This ques- tion of Capf. Orr's begs the more important one of what ho means. Clearly from the paper tins British government has no inlention of suslaiiiiiig democ- racy as if was practised before direct ride. Northern Ireland is a socicly whose inslilutions must guarantee a role for the minority. Kqually, perhaps sup- remely, important is "w h o ppnaks for the So called moderate Union- ism of Mr. Faulkner is suppos- edly out of favor. Vanguard 1-eader William Craig is at least Ihc nominal right-wing leader. This egocentric docs not, as ho would have the world believe, commnnd a vnsl force of Prol- rslanism willy-nilly. II. is un- likely Hial he could command much following at all, for in- stance, if lie sought lo lake tho province nwny from the Brit- ish connection hilo some form of HIM. llev. Inn Paisley is very much n minority ot minoritic: lender at the moment. What this shows clearly is the breakdown of Ihe democratic process. The prov- ince is wilhout any mandated local leaders. Instead it has Mr. Whitelaw and his Imposed pamphleteering. Local elections scheduled in December have been put over until spring on the discouraging fear of voter intimidation. Mr. Whilelaw has a lot of cleaning up lo do before spring. Favorable initial re- sponse to the paper from both Protestant and Catholic politi- cians is at least encouraging. Letter Sexuality education The clinics described under the headline, Sex therapy clin- ics increase, in The Herald, Nov. 1 arc a pathetic admis- sion that the North American general sexual attitude and be- havioral expectations have cor- rupted a healthy sexual re- sponse in many possibly most citizens. For those Americans who can afford the time and money to have their heads "candled" and their ama- tory components synchronized life can be "beautilul." But for the others less economical- ly endowed, the benefit of these corrective clinics is denied. Such sex-therapy clinics are nothing more than paint on rust: beneath the paint lie the corrosive effects of both non- and mat-teaching in regard to human sexuality. These nega- tive effects have been called into existence by pathological husband-wife, father children, and mother children relalion- ships: Ihose that defame, dis- lort, twist, and misguide Ihe sexual ideas and actions of the young. It is not impossible lhat sex- ual-therapy ch'nlcs could oper- ate under the current medicare scheme but such corrective programs are much too late. What is needed far more is a comprehensive sexuality edu- cation program available to oil members of our socicly The program could be imple- mented In schools by specially- trained teachers as It is in Scandinavia or by private counsellors who arc cleared and authorized by the provincial government It may be argued lhat Ihe family is Ihe instructor for sexual attitudes it is at the moment the strong- est if not the best) but is tha family doing its "job" well? Divorce is rampant, intact but failed marriages are on the in- crease, and at least 40 of 100 men and women (all ages) ex- perience difficulty in achieving even moderate sexual satisfac- tion. It musl also be considered thai rapists, fetishists, peeping Toms (and child- moleslcrs, and frigidity impo- lency cases are not born, but are shaped into their condition through corrupt family polit- ics, and incorrect or insufficient sexual education. The human family per EC is NOT doing its "job" well in view of such staled personal and social breakdowns. Perhaps Hie family should it- self be re-evaluated so that an operational, rational, self-evi- dent set of expectations may evolve so that all persons within marriage could fund ion within a known, and n reasonable "marriage package" or de- mands, responsibilities, and mu- tual benefits. We can continue as we have for 300 centuries. But on rational ground, have we Ihe ethical right to permit Ihe personally and socially valueless suffering of our citi- zens who, because of inlomal- izcd NKGATIVK sexual know- ledge and performance, live out lives which are less Minn is nat- urally possible in mind and body? HAROLD C. PUCKETT The lethbridge Herald 5M 7th St. S., Lclhbridgc, Alberta LETHBRIDGE HERALD CO. LTD., Proprietors and Publishcrt Published 1905 1954, by Hon. W. A. BUCHANAN Second Clan Mall Ronlslrailon No. 0017 Member of Tha Canadian Press and Inn Cnnndhn Hnlly Nnwsnnner Publllhvrs' AWKIatlon And lha Audit nuronu ol circulation) CLEO W. MOWERS, Edllor and Puhllsho THOMAS H. ADAMS, General Mnnflpor DON PIUINO Managing Edllor ROY F. MILES Manager WIl.LIAM HAY Assocnic pdllor OOUGLAi K. editorial Pngn Edllor -THE HERALD SERVES THE SOUTH"