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Lethbridge Herald, The (Newspaper) - May 21, 1970, Lethbridge, Alberta 4 IHE IETHBRIDGE HERALD Thursday, May 21, 1970- Duvid Humphreys Wilson Convinced He Can Win Election l 'he Picket Line II is a lung time since Lethbridge has had a strike of the magnitude of the two now in operation, and the people should learn all they can from them. Most larger communi- ties go through this experience fre- quently. Some emerge badly shaken and damaged, but usually they soon recover their stride. The inconven- ience caused the public is part of the price of labor freedom and collective bargaining. Nevertheless it is a fact that labor's right to strike is supported in some part by statutes, and without these laws there would be fewer strikes. And it seems to be a fact that public opinion is hesitatingly be- coming more critical of labor for allegedly abusing the strike weapon. More and more laws imposing com- pulsory arbitration, especially in es- sential industries, can be expected. Meanwhile what are the public's Tights and responsibilities when pub- lic employees are on strike? That puts the emphasis OH picketing, which is an essential component of the strike weapon and which is the subject of legal tangles between the unions and City Hall. It has become an enshrined prin- ciple of labor theology or morality, so to speak, that one does not cross a picket line. Traditionally no good trade unionist will commit that sin, nor will any friend of labor. That is the function of the pickets to put an invisible yet impenetrable barrier around the "struck" plant (whether it be factory, office building, Japanese garden or public dump) and thus to choke management into submission. Clearly it is no more right for management than for labor to be choked into submission. Common sense and fairness should have some voice in the settlement of any labor dispute. The intelligent, responsible citizen will therefore make his own decisions about picket lines. If he has some compelling reason for crossing them, he will weigh it against his inclin- ation to suport the strike. He will study the facts of the dispute and decide to what extent the strike is justified. He will consider the con- sequences both of crossing the picket line and of not crossing it. Take the case of household gar- bage. Ordinarily city crews pick it up and haul it to the dump. Now they are on strike. The citizen can keep it on his premises for a few days, but eventually it will have to be hauled away or else a serious health hazard will be created. If he hauls it to the place where it should be dumped, he will have to go through the picket line. If he dumps it short of that, on this side of the picket line, he is dumping it illegally and will be prosecuted. So what is he to do? Obviously he will go through the picket line. If the public treated picket lines with more objectivity and discretion, the potency of the strike weapon might be reduced. At the same time it might take the heat off labor leaders and reverse the growing public demand for legislation against strikes. Regional Library The study on reglonalization of public library services, prepared by Librarian G. F. R. Dew, is worthy of the attention of others besides the members of City Council. It should especially interest citizens in com- munities surrounding Lethbridge. An ages-old suspicion of the city by rural people has been intensified in recent years by the rapid rate of urbanization. This has sometimes given the impression that cities are growing at the expense of the coun- tryside and that urban dwellers are, at best, indifferent to their rural neighbors. It would not be surprising therefore, if the proposal of a region- al library has been viewed as another move to enhance the city to the det- riment of other smaller communities. Nothing could be further from the truth. A key sentence in Mr. Dew's report to Lethbridge City Council states: "the only benefits accruing to the City of Lethbridge that one can see is the knowledge that the city is helping to improve the standard of library service in the district." In brief, a regional library envis- ages the city library as the focal point of library services for a region comparable to that for the Oldman River Planning Commission. Each community would have a library to which books would be dispatched from the central depot. Holders of cards would be able to borrow books from any library in the region. Improvement in .library services to outside points would come about as a result of access to a larger selection of books, purchased and catalogued by specialists. A professional ap- proach, which most smaller com- munities cannot now afford, would characterize the whole network. The Provincial Government makes funds available for regional libraries. Such funds would apparently exceed what is currently expended for lib- rary services in the region exclud- ing the city. A major obstacle to the imple- mentation of a regional library is the fact that Lethbridge now needs a new library building and an even larger facility would be required if it was to be the central one for the region. Unfortunately the assistance provided by the Provincial Govern- ment does not encompass capital expenditure. This may be the reason why mem- bers of the Lethbridge City Council have not jumped at the chance to serve the area by approving the idea of a regional library. The matter is not entirely shelved, however, and may yet receive endorsation after further study. It would be highly desirable, if feasible.since improved library services would benefit every- one including the residents of the city. Campaign S.C.A.R.E. By Terence Morris, Central School C.C.A.R.E. stands for School Costs Are 0 Really Essential. It's a campaign that needs the support of all those interested in education. It needs people who are pre- pared to write letters, use the phone, ask questions and insist on answers, and tackle the politicians who have launched such a spiteful and devastating attack on educational finance. S.C.A.R.E. needs sup- port, for unless we show our concern now bur fine education systems could be slip- ping into a decade decadence. Support for this gloomy prediction comes from two of Alberta's most distinguished sdueationalists. Dr. Max Wyman, Presi- dent, University of Alberta recently ex- pressed 'pessimism' about Canada's edu- cational institutions and said that in the 1970s Canada's level of excellence in edu- cation would be 'seriously lowered'. Dr. William Beckel, Acting President, University of Lethbridge, was just as pessimistic when he spoke about univer- sity financing. He referred to lire govern- ment's financing of university education as 'a political game' and warned that univer- sity facilities would be adversely affected if budgets were reduced. Dr. Beckel point- ed out that, 'The quality of all our lives depends on the university and its effec- tiveness in educating students'. These gentlemen are not likely to make foolish statements and when they suggest that university education is endangered by our party politicians we can be certain that their claims have merit. They are concerned about their own spheres of in- terest, university education, but it is in the elementary schools that the foundations for university work are laid. It is what is done to our elementary students that will determine what sort of students our uni- versities will have in the future. A casual reading of the local news shows that the spending freeze is already begin- ning to reap a bitter harvest. We read of a reduction in teaching staff, a lack of incentive to hire more teachers or better qualified staff, a demand1 for a mor- itorium on teachers' salaries, and class loads being pushed into the 30s and 40s. This is only the beginning, and heaven help us, especially our children, when the full effects of the cuts are felt. It is strange that a year that has seen the birth of the Worth Commission with all its grandiose hopes for the future, should also see the start of an insidious anti-edu- cation act that will surely reduce the edu- cational resources of our province to an all-time low. If we allow this attack on our children's schooling to go unchallenged then we will certainly be guilty of crimi- nal negligence in the misuse of our re- sources. However, recent complaints about in- creased class loads have shown that par- ents and teachers do have a liealthy in- terest in the welfare of our children and there is good hope thai this concern could be channelled into constructive criticism of government policy. We may not have the prestigious leadership of men such as Presidents Wyman and Beckel at our local level but we do have a great deal of local talent that can and should be used. We need a corps of five hundred letter writers (as advocated by Dr. Beckel) who are prepared to let the government and the press know that they do not appreciate the financial straitjacket which threatens to downgrade out school system. It's a chilling prospect when we realize what could happen to our schools over the next few years. We want an informed and critical group who will take some positive action. In any battle Die most important consideration is to know where and when to fight. In the fight for quality education the lime for action is now and the S.C.A.K.K. banner is an honorable and sensible one under which to serve. T ONDON: The Labor" party opens its campaign for the June general election with several advantages over the Conservatives. Prime Minister Wilson has exercised his option only be- cause he is convinced he can win now. Five sepai-ate national opin- ion polls report a Labor lead sufficient to produce a major- ity of from 40 to 100 seats in the House of Commons. Potential issues, subject al- ways to the vagaries of the campaign, run from a neutral effect slightly to Labor's favor. Mr. Wilson and his cabinet believe they are more than a match for the Tory front bench when it comes to campaign style and appeal. These are the reasons consid- ered by Mr. Wilson in calling for a short Spring campaign. They have taken shape gradual- ly during the last six months. In that time, Labor has moved from crisis to confi- dence, from running well be- hind the T o r i e s in popularity for three full years to the pres- ent whining position. They are clear favorites as the cam- paign begins. Why? Was their losing im- age false? Were the effects of the squeeze and the freeze on the voter overlooked or exag- gerated? The most important message Mr. Wilson must have read from the polls is not so much Labor's lead as the volatile na- ture of the voters. While La- bor's fortunes have been im- proving for six months, the clear lead has happened only in the last month. An experi- enced politician is bound to be wary. Whatever the reason, it was not, as one jocular suggestion, a Tory plot. The Tories with all their campaign money had taken over and rigged all five polls. Yet the turnabout is so sharp that theories are com- mon. The polls are the big talk- ing point in pubs and on the high streets of the country. If their scientific samples are to be believed, Mr. Wilson can expect to capture a majority of the so-called floating, uncom- mitted voters as well as the traditional Labor supporters who have stayed at tame for municipal elections during the last four years. ___ Past performance and pre- campaign activity points to a rough fight which just may; ben- efit Mr. Wilson more than Mr. Heath. By playing it rough Mr. Wilson has two advantages. He is more suited to that style than Mr. Heath. And he knows that the traditional Labor voter re- sponds to it. British politics are still in the age of Diefenbaker, to use a Canadian analogy. Mr. Wilson in style only may be com- pared to Mr. Diefecbaker. Mr. Heath is more like Mr. Stan- field, or Mr. Pearson, for that matter. If the campaign were to be fought along low-key reasoned lines, Mr. Heath, with some care fully developed policies, would benefit. But Mr. Wilson has seized the initiative and his is a tougher, simpler formula. Initial evidence indicates that Mr. Wilson's strategy will have two pillars, the appeal of per- sonality and a play on the basic satisfaction of the voters. Thus the prospects are that this will not be one of the great watershed elections of British history. The really great issue, of membership in the Common Fischetti "I never did say how, but I told you I'd get you out of Vietnam" Richard Purser Bourassa's Real Challenge rvUEBEC CITY: Two weeks after the province's dra- matic April 29 election, 4 Quebec has a government again; and Premier Robert Bourassa faces the monumental challenge of putting into effect his election campaign theme of on to work." Mr. Bourassa took over quietly, being sworn in with his cabinet at a ceremony which omitted all the ostentation that marked the last power change- over hi Quebec the return of the National Union under the late Daniel Johnson in 1966. Both the formal transfer of power and the almost exces- sively quiet period of transition which preceded it symbolize the new Liberal government's ap- proach: hard work and few words, in contrast to the floun- dering policies and the sea of propaganda on which the Na- tional Union floated to its doom under departed Premier Jean- Jacques Bertrand. The new government, with ex- actly two thirds of the seats in the national assembly is un- der none of the threat posed by the small majority under which the-Bertrand government labored. It also has no basic ideological divisions within the party, another contrast to the National Union. It has, in other words, four to five safe and sol- id years to prove itself by its deeds, and no one but itself to blame if it fails. Or is it as simple as that? Not quite, for even the strong- est government is subject to forces beyond its control. Mr. Bourassa has four main tasks: to provide competent and ef- fective government with sound financial management, to im- prove the investment climate and attract jobs, to establish good working relations with the federal government, and to prove to a suspicious population that Quebec is best off where it is, in Canada. The first is the easiest at least in the sense that it is the one on which the government is most thoroughly on its own. Under the watchful economist's eye of Mr. Bourassa, any gov- ernment should be able to im- prove on the mism a n a g e d spending policies of the Nation- al Union, although unravelling the mess in education and medi- cal insurance will :'.akc serious effort. In the other tasks, Mr. Bour- Bfsa is up against actual or po- tential outside forces. To estab- lish a good working relation- ship with the federal govern- ment obviously requires co-op- eration from O'.tawa. As a start, the climate is better. The Bour- assa government does not have the chip on its shoulder toward Ottawa that '.he Bertrand gov- ernment had lo the point of al- most lota! antagonism. The new Quebec mood is for co-opera- ion; but Quebec still has strong cases to put before Ottawa and will not be walked over. In- deed, a Liberal government in Quebec cannot politically af- ford to be walked over by Ot- tawa. Mr. Bourassa must feel that he is being listened to by Ottawa, as Mr. Bertrand clear- ly did not, and must get enough results to prove his campaign point that a co-operative ap- proach would be more effective than Mr. Bertrafld's was. The balancing act will be be- tween Mr. Bourassa's ability to put Quebec's ease in a non-hec- toring manner buttressed by fis- cal facts, and Prime Minister Trudeau's conception of feder- alism as well as English Can- ada's touchiness on "conces- sion's to keep Quebec in Con- federation. Reasonableness on both sides can solve the problem of fed- eral provincial government re- lations pending long term con- stitutonal change, and reason- ableness is genuinely hoped for arid expected. But the absence of reason could be an important factor as Mr. Bourassa attempts to tackle his main campaign promise of improving the eco- nomic climate and providing jobs, thereby proving that Que- bec should stay in Canada. Federal provincial relation: are a factor even in this, inso- far as federal anti inflation policies may impede job crea- tion; however, the great dan- ger stems from the presence in Quebec of those who do not want the value of keeping Que- bec in Canada to be proven: the e m o t i o nal nationalists. Their continued militancy can negate anything the most well- meaning federalists might do to improve the climate for invest- ment and economic progress. By coincidence, only the day before Mr. Bourassa's official takeover, a Montreal business- man was passing on a fear shared by many: that a cer- Letter To The Editor tain group of nationalists is ex- ploiting Quebec's cultural dual- ity toward divisive ends with a view to destroy 1-ng the prov- ince's society as it now is. Wil- liam White, president of Cana- dian White Star Products Ltd., said in a submission to a com- mission appointed by the Na- tional Union government to study the status of the French language in Quebec: "A small minority of Quebec politicians o! ill-will have, over the past ten years, successfully manoeuvred themselves into key positions which influence the management of the prov- ince of Quebec, and are creat- ing provocative situations to wi- den the gap of understanding between the French and Eng- lish speaking people of Que- bec." However great or little the ultra nationalists' infiltration into government service, they are nevertheless solidly esiab- lished in the national assembly, including seven members of the Parti Quebecois and at least three of the National Union of- ficial opposition. If Air. Bour- assa should succeed in work- ing well with Ottawa and im- proving Quebec's lot in the pro- cess, the economic f o u n dation of the nationalistic argument will disappear and PQ Leader Rene Levesque's case will be reduced to one of emotion, which h'es very close to the PQ's surface anyway. The .politics of emotion is the politics of the streets, from which Quebec needs a respite. But if Mr. Bourassa appears headed for success, it may be the only tactic left to a desper- ate band of psychologically ded- icated men the term is used to avoid sayiing "fanatics whose raison d'etre will van- ish if Quebec in Canada suc- ceeds. They, and not the shad- owy forces of inflation or the figures who come and go in Ot- tawa, are Mr. Bourassa's real lung-term challenge. (Herald Quebec Bureau) Pilfering At Pool I'm appalled by the vast amount of stealing ami damag- ing of property at the Fritz Sick Pool. My daughter had a swim- ming party at the pool on May 1. One girl had some of her underclothes stolen and an- other reported that someone had torn some of her clothes. Another time, one girl taking lessons at the pool had her shirt stolen. On Sunday, May 10, my daughter was at the pool be- tween and 5 p.m. She put her clothes in the first dressing rpom, carefully placing her glasses in her coat pocket. When she came to dress, her glasses were missing. A care- ful check everywhere by her- self and one of the attendants did not locale the glasses. She came home in tears. She com- plains of headaches already and will have trouble seeing in class until her glasses are either lo- cated or a new pair purchased. Parents, please talk to your children about the senseless- ness of such stealing and dam- aging of property. No one has any use for these stolen things but the who owns tham. .Lclhbridge. MRS. S. KWAN. Market, will be effectively side- tracked1 at the national level. There is little to choose among all three party leaders who fa- vor membership provided the terms are reasonable. But members of both Labor and Conservative parties will use (heir opposilion lo advan- lage when possible at the con- stituency level, taking advan- tage of opposition at the grass roots. What the election mil decide, should Labor retain its lead and win, will be Labor's position as a majority party and a party of government, winning three elec- tions in succession for the first lime. Already Mr. Wilson's consum- mate political skill has been evident in the way he has thrown the Tories on the defen- sive before the campaign even begins. He invites comparison with his cabinet when lie casts the Tory front-bench as tired old men, with outdated ideas, who failed before. Almost incredibly, the govern- ment that devalued the pound, falsely promised prices would not rise, raised taxes on al- most everything and surrender- ed to the trade unions, now pre- sents itself as the progressive forward looking team for the Seventies. Yet this is what has been hap- pening. Mr. Wilson, Roy Jen- kins, James Callaghan, Anthony Wedgwood Benn, Denis Healey, do not compare unfavorably with Mr. Heath, Ian Macleod, Quintin Hogg, Sir Keith Joseph and Sir Alec Douglas-Home. Taking their cue from Mr. Wilson's speeches, Labor advis- ers approved a campaign of rid- icule against several named Tory front benchers, linking them with right winger Enoch Powell, banished to the back benches by Mr. Heath for his extreme policies on race rela- tions. But Mr. Powell is always in the forefront of Labor elec- tioneering. This campaign, 'of advertise- ments, has raised questions of taste because it pokes fun at some of the Tories personal characteristics. But it can be argued that it is no worse to capitalize on a man's big boots (Quintin Hogg) than to call him a liar and bungler, as the Tory ads have been doing. Or, for that matter to call the prime minister a "swine." as Mr. Mac- leod called Mr. Wilson in the Commons. It is all indicative of the campaign tone to be expect- ed. Mr. Wilson's strategy also rests on the fact.that substan- tial numbers of voters are rela- tively better off than they were six months ago. Wages have been rising faster than prices, although prices are showing signs of catching up and by an autumn election might have done so. Thus-, Labor's risk is based on a fact. The extra pounds are al- ready in the voters' pockets. The Tories have to rely on only a promise, that they will re- duce taxation but they have to explain how and Mr. Wilson can be counted upon to make the explaining tough if not impos- sible. He has challenged them to show which programs they will reduce to make the savings and offered them the use of a jun- ior treastuy minister to cost their programs for them. As long as Mr. Wilson is asking the questions, he can keep the Tone's on the defensive, unden- iably good politics. During the financial crisis of 1968, Samuel Brittan, economics editor of Uie Financial Times, made a point in a book publish- ed at tha time which must have been accepted by Mr. Wilson. "By the next Mr. Brittan wrote, public opinion will be influenced by the gen- eral prosperity of the country, living standards and employ- ment. If from this point of view devaluation seems to have worked, there will be few con- verts lo Conservatism on the grounds of supposed national dishonor." Far from 'it, today Britain's credit is good with the Interna- tional Monetary Fund. Short and medium term debts are be- ing paid off. Sterling reserves are building. The balance of payments is in surplus. The wage increases have di- luted the old Tory jibe that you can't beat a balance of pay- ments surplus. For good meas- ure Chancellor of the Excheq- uer Jenkins brought down a "mm political" budget based on good management of the economy, some tax relief for the lower paid and no increase in the tax burden. The Conservatives are left to make what they can out of law and order and mu'on reform, areas where they might be ex- .peeled to win votes as the cam- paign progresses. In education and the social services any ad- vantages are more likely to fa- vor Labor. Britain may be getting tired of the loud minority uf dissent- ers, as the Tories contend. The spectacle of Foreign Secretary Michael Stewart prevented from speaking at the Oxford Union recently stoked the fires of law and order. But this was, after all, a Labor minister in Ihe role of viclim. It is a vague and cloudy is- sue, not easily attached to one political party. Law and order is used here to cover the in- creasing crime rate on one hand and the loud-mouthed dissenters on the other. If the cricket tour by South Africans went