Lethbridge Herald, The (Newspaper) - May 15, 1970, Lethbridge, Alberta
4 THE LETHBRIDGE HERALD Friday, May IS, 1970 Carl T. Rowan History's Course Changed How can a conference that result- ed in nothing much more concrete, than a promise of finding some means of continuing the explora- tion of an idea be described as a turning point in the course of his- tory? Isn't that an exaggeration? It seems highly unlikely that the three prairie provinces will be for- mally united in the near even in the distant future. If, then, the proposition under study failed to the nation. There isn't much point in castigating eastern interests or the Federal government when an expenditure of effort in eliminating western blocks to progress could solve some of the problems creating friction and frustration. Agriculture, for instance, might benefit immense- ly from the removal of provincial regulations in favor of a regional approach. While the conference did not pro- duce any specific program it gener- arouse a pressure for proceeding in ated a to pursue positive ends, that direction, what justification is there in hailing the One Prairie Province Enquiry as a landmark? The enquiry rather unexpected- ly, perhaps brought to conscious- ness the realization that something might be done to achieve a unity in the prairie region without having to endure a constitutional hassle and or- ganizational nightmare..There is no point in expending a lot of elfort needlessly. A very great need exists for estab- lishing ways in which to co-operate for the good of the prairie provinces It cleared the "air of negative thoughts and suspicions the no- tion of separatism was simply ig- nored which should help create a climate in the west and throughout Canada conducive to the growth of unity and justice. As a result of this initiative toward a renewed sense of a Canadian des- tiny the conference might very well come to be looked upon by histor- ians as a turning point. At least it has sparked an interest that could end in a creative move of great ben- efit to everyone. 1976 And All That Ebullient Mayor Drapeau lias done it again. Using his hypnotic powers of persuasion, he has induced the In- ternational Olympic Committee to hold the 1976 Summer Games in Montreal. It is a personal triumph for the Mayor, although Canadians, other than Quebecers must be for- given if their delight in the com- mittee's choice is somewhat tem- pered by highly practical considera- tions. Canadians, particularly those of us who are far removed in distance from Montreal, will take the Mayor's statement that the Olympic games will not cost the Canadian taxpayer one cent, with a very large dose of salt. They heard the same story once before. When Expo '67 was over, in spite of original reassur- ances to the contrary, the extrava- ganza cost the Federal government million, a deficit shared by tax- payers across the land. National pride, of course, was given a tre- mendous shot in the arm. Canada gained enormous publicity all over the world. We had in fact "arrived" on the international cultural and art- istic scene. Now Montreal, and to a lesser ex- tend the rest of Canada, is going to prove that we're highly sports-mind- ed too. So we are. But we are also, particularly at this time of reces- sion in the economy, a hard-headed, practical people. We simply do not believe that the 1976 Olympics will not cost the Canadian taxpayer one cent. The belief that the Quebec economy can withstand the expendi- ture of half a billion dollars at least, to build the necessary installations (even with full use of those remain- ing from Expo '67 the expenditure may reach such an astronomical fi- gure) is quite frankly, childisbJy naive. The benefits are great in the long-term. The expense is colossal both in the long and the short-term. As the Prime Minister has stated the games have been awarded not just to Montreal but to all of Canada. The same might be said of the ex- penses. 7 Made This Decision' A declaration of war by the United States requires Congressional ap- proval. But American troops can be sent into battle by orders of the President alone. When Richard Nixon said at his recent press conference, "I made this decision, I take the re- sponsibility for he was not making the magnanimous state- ment of a factional leader gratuit- ously accepting the onus of liability. After listening to his advisers, par- ticulary Defence Secretary Laird, State Secretary Rogers and Henry Kissinger, foreign policy adviser, each of whom had been in touch with important committees of the CIA and the armed forces, he an- nounced his decision. No one knows, the extent of high level disagree- ment. Time alone will tell whether the decision was right or wrong. Time alone will prove whether Mr. Nixon took full advantage of the best advice available to him. (Already criticism from many quarters ac- cuses him of lack of personal consul- tation with those who were in full possession of all the It is a frightening fact of American political life that the most powerful man in the Western world, like his predecessors, must act, not unaided but entirely and terribly alone. Art Buchwald WASHINGTON No one who has fol- lowed the events of the recent past can have anything but admiration for the political sagacity of Attorney-General John Mitchell. Mitchell's astuteness as a king-maker goes back to Miami Beach, Fla., where he engineered the nomination of Richard M. Nixon as the Republican candidate for President of the United States. But it did not end there. In one of the smoke-filled rooms that you always read about, Mitchell, puffing on his pipe, discussed some ol the problems Mr. Nixon would have to face if he were elected lo the presidency. "One of the things we can't Milchell said, "is that the people might want to impeach you, Dick, at some lima early in your term." "I haven't even been elected yet, and you're already talking about my impeach- Mr. Nixon protested. "We have to prepare for every contin- Mitchell said. "Suppose you decide to widen the war in "But I've promised to end the war iu Vietnam and bring our boys home." "We know what you've promised, Dick. But you may wish at some stage to go into Cambodia or Laos." "Why that's ridiculous. Why would I do Mr. Nixon asked. "Perhaps lo clean out the Commu n i s t sanctuaries once and for all." "But if I did Mr. Nixon said, "they'd have to impeach me." "Precisely what I Mitchell said. "I don't want to be Mr. Nix- on cried. "Not after all the work I put in to get the nomination." "You don't have to be. Dick, We have to make it impossible for them lo lake your job away." "How do you do "We have to select a vice president that the public will be so frightened of that they wouldn't dare impeach you." "I never thought of Mr. Nixon ad- mitted. "The best insurance a president could have would be to have someone standing in the wings that nobody could accept for the office. Who fits the descrip- The attorney general took out a list. "We have a few people liere that might fill the role. Strom Thurmond, Gov. Kirk of Flor- ida, Gov. Reagan of California, Carl Mcln- tyre of the Christian Anti-Communist Cru- sade, J. Edgar Hoover, and that guy from Maryland what's-his-namc." "What do you "I have it somewhere. Here it is. Spiro Agnew." "You have lo be kidding. Whoever heard of Spiro "That's not the point. With television can make him into a household name over- night. The question is, can he produce enough fear in the American electorate to keep it from impeaching "How do we know Mr. Nixon ask "We don't know Mitchell replied. we've been talking lo Ihe guy, and he sounds like someone who can really ruffle people's feathers. Tf we send him out to fund-raising dinners for a year and give him enough exposure, and let him say what he wants, no one in this country would dare impeach you." As everyone knows, Mr. Nixon bought the idea, and last week when all the impeach- ment talk concerning President Nixon start- ed, Ally. Gen. Milchell was the smuggest man in Washington. lie called up the presi- dent and chuckled: "Thai's nnolhcr favor you owe me.1' (Toi'onlo Telegram News Service) What To Believe In Gloomy Washington? WASHINGTON Tnis is a gloomy city, and the un- case arises from a lot more lhan the killing of four sludcnls at Kent State and the ensuing crisis that has gripped Ameri- can universities. In and out of government, people are troubled because they have no idea whom to be- lieve, no clue as to who is be- hind what policy, and no as- surance that policy really is what it is reputed to be. Observers here find it in- credible that Secretary of State William P. Rogers, a close friend of the president, could tell Congress on April 23 that if U.S. troops went into Cam- bodia "our whole (Vietnami- zation) program is TIC fQ into Cambodia a week later under the rationale of speeding up the Vietnamization program. It is equally discomforting that Rogers could pledge that no such move Into Cambodia would occur without Congress's being consulted in advance only to have the invasion of Cambodia occur secretly with- out the slightest consultation with Congress. This seems to be part of a pattern of the president's ig- noring, or being blocked off from, advice and information that goes counter to what either the president or some faceless advisers around him want to do. This is true in domestic as well as foreign affairs. I renorlod earlier that Dr. James E. Allen, Jr., the com- missioner of education, sent Mr. Nixon a memorandum on March 11 with a proposed statement to educators about (lie urgent need to work for school desegregation. Denied the right to send out the statement, Allen waited until the president made a major policy statement on seg- regation on March 24. Then a month later the commissioner inserted his own statement into the record of a congressional hearing. Asked about Allen's position on April 27, the White House announced that the president had not seen the text of Dr. Allen's statement and thus could not comment. Either the While House was lying or the president delivered a major address to the nation about one of its greatest do- mestic problems without ever seeing an important recom- mendation from the chief of- ficer in his administration. Then lliere is the case of In- terior Secretary Walter J. Hic- kcl. It seems heyond belief that a cabinet officer could ask to see the president and be denied an appointment by a member of the palace guard. But that is what happened, and Hickel wound up writing the president a letter about the administration's polic i e s of alienating American youth. The fact seems to be that the secretary of stale cannot speak for foreign policy, the commis- sioner of education cannot don't know vhy you continue with tobacco, after having seen all those Tony Curtis TV spots.'"