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Lethbridge Herald, The (Newspaper) - May 7, 1973, Lethbridge, Alberta 4 THE IETHBRIDGE HERALD Monday, May Enough pressure is enough Unjust criticisms of Nixon's speech If there is one thing upon which most citizens agree it is that prices are too high. And if there is a single business axiom on which economists are unanimous, it is that to increase demand is bound to increase prices. It would seem, then, that there is a case for trying to control prices and that any action to that end will have to start with an easing of demand. Anything upon which there is un- animous agreement among the ex- perts is bound to be known by the various government agencies that are supposed to be concerned with these matters, and also to the banks, trust companies and the dozens of varieties of loan and finance com- panies that provide or distribute the funds on business and com- merce operate. One is moved to wonder, therefore, just why it is that scarcely any group of business con- cerns is currentlv spending as much money as the financial institutions, on persuading people to buy more, on strhing to create and intensify the desire for more and more con- sumer goods, and so stoking the fires of demand. Tins selling job is being undertaken by the chartered banks, the trust companies, finance companies of various types, personal loan com- panies, credit unions, just about every type of firm that handles cash or credit. ''Let's talk about car loans" cries a bank's advertisement. "Use your credit charge urges a credit card company. A trust com- pany offers to finance expensive holi- days. A personal finance company lists a number of luxury items that it insists can be financed with the greatest of ease by almost anyone, while another loan company hints that a man who waits until he can afford these luxuries may not love his family as he should. In short, people in the money lend- ing game are going all out to cajole anyone they can into buying, buying, buying, and borrowing the money to do it. It is hardly good enough for them to claim that people are going to buy anyway, so might as well borrow and "pay cash" as finance the purchase through the facilities offered by the vendor. Adding to a problem seldom solves it. People are generally aware that the hard sell, with a tendency to- wards extravagant phrases and ex- aggeration, are part of the promo- tion game, so they are inclined to be just a bit wan- with the merchan- diser who is openly and unabashedly in the selling game. so, they get "hooked" often enough, if stories from credit and collection agencies are to be believed. They don't need a saturation campaign by all the supposedly responsible financ i a 1 agencies in the country, urging them to irresponsibility. The four-day headache Unionists who have been fighting the four-day week idea may not have much of a battle on their hands after all. A report in The Wall Street Journal suggests that the experiment of the longer working day and short- er week may be collapsing on its own. It is turning out to be the four- day headache for some. The major complaint with the short week is fatigue. A long week- end does not compensate for the extra two hours of work on the other four days. It isn't just the long- er time on the job that is fatiguing; it is having to upset long-established rhythms and being out of step with others in society. The frustration this engenders is very tiring. At first the changeover seemed to be the answer to the plague of absen- teeism, turnover and sagging pro- ductivity. But some companies are now finding that absenteeism has re- turned to previous levels and that there has been a net drop in produc- tivitv. This pattern has not been found to be true of all companies experiment- ing with the four-day week. The num- ber of firms changing to the four- day week continues to grow but the prediction that it would be standard by 1975 15 not likely to be fulfilled. Enthusiasm has clearly cooled. The most pertinent observation to be made about the situation is that the four-day week may be suited to only some companies and not to all. It seems to work best for small firms that can more easily adjust produc- tion schedules, Don Hellriegel. associate professor of organizational behavior at Penn- sylvania State University, says the four-day week is not a panacea. "It doesn't deal with the core problems of boredom, frustration and the need for job he says. No scheme succeeds without prop- er motivation on the part of the par- ticipants. Without purpose and prin- ciple the best of plans will fail. ART BUCHWALD Nixon talks to God WASHINGTON Recently President Richard Nixon went to Camp David alone, without family or aides. Press Secretary Ran Ziegler denies it, but It has been reliably reported that the president went up the top of the mountain to speak with God. "God, God, why are you doing this to what, "The Watergate, the coverup, the grand Jury hearings, the Senate investigations. Why me, "Don't blame me. Richard. I gave you my blessing to win the election, but I didn't tell you to steal it." "God, I've done everything you told me to do. I ended the war. I defeated pov- erty. I cleaned the air and the water. I defeated crime in the streets. Surely I de- serve a break." I tried to warn you that you had sinful people working for you." "Whan, "Just after the Committee to Re-Elect the President was formed. When I saw the people you had selected to head up the committee, I was shocked. We've got a long file on them up here." "Why didn't jou tell me, "I tried to, but Ehrlichman and Halde- man wouldn't let me talk to you on the phone. They said they'd give you the mes- sage I called." "They never told me, God." "It figures. Then I sent you a telegram saving it was urgent that you contact me." "The only telegrams I read during that period were those in support of my bomb- ing North Vietnam." "Finally, Richard, I made one last ef- fort. I showed up at a prayer meeting one Sundaj at the White and after tha sermon I came up to jou and said there Here men among you who would betray you. Do you know what you did, Richard? You introduced me to Pat and then you gave me a ball point pen." "I didn't know it was you, God. So many people show up at these prayer meetings. Is that why you're punishing me because I snubbed "I'm not punishing you, Richard. But even I can do just so much. If it were merely a simple case of bugging at the Watergate, I could probably fix it. But your administration is involved in the obstruc- tion of justice, the bribing of witnesses, the forging of papers, wiretapping, perjury and using the mails to defraud.'1 "Good God' nobodj's perfect'" "I guess that's v-Iiat the grand jury is saying." I've got less than four years in which to go down as the greatest presi- dent in the history of the United States. Give me a break." "You've got to clean house, Richard. Get rid of everyone who has any connection with the scandal. You must make it per- fectly clear you were hoodwinked by ev- eryone on your staff. You must show the American people that when it comes to the presidency, no one is too big to be sacrificed on the altar of expediency." "God, are you asking for a human sacri- "It would show your good faith, Rich- ard "All right, I'll do it. Will you take Jeb Magruder, Richard Kleindienst and John Dean "What kind of sacrifice is "John going." "Haldeman and "That's more like it.'1 "And then. God, if I sacrifice them, will jou keep me out of "Richard, I can't xvort miracles." By William Satire, New York Times commentator WASHINGTON "But yes- a Shakespeare wrote me after President Nix- on's Watergate speech, "the word of Nixon might have stood against the world; now lies his credibility there, and none so poor to do it rever- ence.'' Nixon is no Julius Caesar, a funeral oration is quite prema- ture, and the role of Marc An- tony could go to either Spiro Agnew or New Republican John Connally. (The president prob- ably casts Sen. Charles Percy, who drafted the Senate resolu- tion calling for a special prose- cutor, as Brutus "et tu, Let's examine the criticism of the president's speech last week: 1. "He didn't point the finger of guilt at anybody." There is an Alice In Wonder- land quality to this charge, rem- iniscent of the edict of the Queen of Hearts; "Sentence first, verdict afterwards." The same people who jumped all over the president's reference to murderer Charles Manson gs guilty before the accused man had been convicted are now disappointed that the president is not actively interfering in the judicial process. Anybody who wants the president to pre- juice the case with prejudg- ments is asking, in effect, for him to obstruct justice which is what a large part- of the case is all about. Ah, but could he not have fired his closest aides with a greater show of displeasure? Yes. In these off-with-their- heads days, compassion for failings is taken as a sign of weakness or complicity, and the president could have picked up a few points by slamming the door behind his departing friends. But a fond farewell is not a vote of confidence. 2. "He didn't grovel enough." Nixon has been on a six-year winning streak, and his oppon- ents feel they are entitled to what The New Republic's John Osborne calls "ferocious satis- faction with the plight of a pres- ident who most of us have always distrusted." The president, on television, only took off his right arm, Haldeman, and then took off his left arm, Ehrlichman. He prais- ed the people who broke the case and included, loud and clear, "a vigorous free press." He promised "I will do every- thing in my power to insure that the guilty are brought to justice and that such abuses are purged from our political processes But to his old enemies he fell short of a really satisfying self immolation, live and in flaming color, right before the nation's eyes. The reason for his restraint had to do with his decision that he would go on being president. Presidents do net grovel; presidents, if they "Your're home now, nasty old Watergate business can't get you here." Appalling dilemma faces the U.S. By Anthony Lewis, New York Times commentator WASHINGTON The last great scandals of an Ameri- can government, 50 years ago, seem now to have had an al- most endearing simplicity about them Warren G. Harding and his cronies wanted only whis- key, women and money. They come down to us as characters in a musical comedy. History will not treat Rich- ard Nixon and his associates with such mocking disdain. For their vice was something much worse than old-fashioned avarice and lust. Their sin was arrogance: their object, power. Sins of the flesh have always been regarded as less serious than the sin of pride, which is a challenge to God. In today's so- ciety, with all its instruments of control, abuse of power is infinitely more dangerous than mere corruption. In politics as in religion, arrogance is a threat to the natural order of life, to the pattern of mutual respect and understanding in which our safety lies. The crimes of the Nixon administration cannot yet be listed with particularity. The legislative and judicial proceed- ings to come will almost cer- tainly make the present dimen- sions of our distress seem mod- est But the general character of what has been done in these last years is plain enough. The White House staff has functioned in single-minded pur- suit of centralized p o w e r. Ideas, debate, dissent, even con- tact with the unfriendly: all have been suppressed in this government in favor of loyalty to Nixon. The lawyers of this admini- stration have made their names symbols of contempt for law. The lawyer president has thrown dirt on judges. His law- yers in the White House have Letters to the editor Abortion support wrong I have just learned that Min- ister of Health and Welfare Marc Lalonde, has issued "fam- ily planning grants" to several birth control information cen- tres, including one for Leth- bridge. While I feel that gov- ernment must take a much more active role in educating the public on contraceptive practices, (and Lethbridge is very much in need of a birth control information arid coun- selling I feel it is wrong to have public funding for those information centres which counsel abortion as a form of birth control. Both ARCAL, in Ottawa, and the Calgary Birth Control Asso- ciation (among others) receiv- ed government grants to finance their operations and both of these groups abortion as a form of birth control I am not familiar with the plans for the Lethbridge cen- tre. but at the present time Ca- nadian law does not recognize abortion as an acceptable form of family planning and both Mr. Lalonde and Prime Minis- ter Trudeau have stated public- Ij thej opposition to this con- cept. Is the government saying one thing and doing something else? As lone as the law provides for abortion only in limited medical circumstances, govern- ment lunded birth control infor- mation centres should be re- quired to confine their services to providing contraceptive in- formation only. I strongly resent the fact that in) lax dollars are being used to finance abortion counselling for purposes not covered by Ottawa TICHENOR Wrong identification The recently published Biography of an Institution the Civil Service Commission of Canada 1908-1967" was review- ed (by J.M.) in the March 31 issue of The Lethbridge Herald. The review states that this book was commissioned by the Public Service Commission. Wo would like to point out that this was not the case. Tiiis book was sponsored by the Institute of Public Admin- istration of Canada, as stated on the page adjacent to t h e title page of the book. It was the first in a series of books on Canadian administration. The Public Service Commis- sion's role was one of provid- ing the authors with free ac- cess to the required research material. PAT WERNER, Special Projects Co-ordinator. Ottawa sent thugs out after psychiatric files and conspired to obstruct justice. His onetime attorney general is under investigation by a grand jury. In foreign affairs also the rec- ord is blotted with crude law- lessness. Even as the domestic scandal came to crisis, the law- yer who fills the once great of- fice of secretary of state sub- mitted a paper on the consti- tutional authority for American bombing of Cambodia that would not earn a first-year law student a passing grade. The chief fund-raiser of the president's re election cam- paign, a former cabinet officer, demanded and got large sums from businessmen who deal with the government, including some in trouble with the law. Other political agents tried to sabotage the opposition's cam- paign, even its choice of a can- didate. The little we know puts in question the honor of the en- tire 1972 election. It is a sordid record and a menaching one, for running through it is the authoritarian mind. What begins with that spirit in politics, in rigging elec- tions, goes on to police agents terrorizing innocent families in some small town in Illinois. The danger of official lawlessness is tyranny. The explosion of the Water- gate scandal has saved Arrjj.i- ca from the immediate threat of cent r a 1 i z c d presidential power. Richard Nixon is in no position now to threaten the courts or the press, or even to demand blind loyalty from his subordinates. Indeed the men of character in his government will be in the extraordinary po- sition of being able to make the president atcept them on their terms. He will need them more than they him. What threatens America now is an enfeebled presidency. At best Nixon will be asking the world to believe that the men he chose as his closest associ- ates committed evil without his knowing it. And it may be much worse: the doubts may come ever closer to him. The author- ity of the president, which is to say the authority of the United States, will be gravely damaged. If Richard Nixon were cap- able of redeeming vision or self- perception, the prospect would be less painful. But he is not. He is a man who can obstruct election campaign reform and then ask the public to join him in a great reform effort. He is a man who can speak of the Christmas bombing of North Vietnam as "my terrible per- sonal ordeal." He is a man without shame. The appalling dilemma fac- ing this country is how to live for nearly four years with a wounded presidency. Some peo- ple argue for what amounts to a conspiracy of silence. We must close our eyes to what has happened, they say, and let government continue almost as it was allowed to continue after Woodrow Wilson's illness. The alternative is forbidding. No president has ever been forced from office; even a ser- ious attempt would put awful strains on the system. But can this country stop short of the truth, can it live a pretense, and be once again the hope of the world? are to continue in authority pick up the pieces and go on People cannot live in a city lee by Mayor Culpa. 3. "He wrapped himself in th< flag." Critics were angered by th< accoutrements of his televisiot appearance: a picture of hi: family and the American flaf to his right, a bust of Lincok to his left, a flag pin in hi: lapel. Consider, however, reaction if he had done it other way: "In an awkward at- tempt to change his image Nixon turn his family photo to the wall, removed the flag and the bust of Lincoln fron behind his desk and, for first time in years, appeared or television without the familiar pin of an American flag in lapel. The 'new, new Nixon, designed to appeal to his de- tractors, fooled nobody." 4. "He parodied himself Witt that I stuff. This criticism Is valid. One day, the president will say "I could have taken the easy way and frankly it looked pretty good, so I and 21 million Americans, regardless of party will reach out and clasp him to their bosoms. But a double standard might be pointed out here. When John F. Kennedy publicly took re- sponsibility for the Bay of Pigs fiasco, the reaction was "he1? bravely taking the blame for something that wasn't h i i fault." When Nixon acceptec ultimate responsibility for the Watergate atrocity, the reaction of critics seems to be "he'r trying in his devious way to make us think he's bravely tak- ing the blame for something that wasn't his fault." 5. "He spoke too soon." This concern is voiced by some of the president's sup- porters, who believe he should have waited until all the dam- aging facts were laid bare: since the situation will get worse before it gets better, he might have avoided a mistake in tone by taking action silent- ly, later presenting to the pub- lic net Ms anguish but his anger. But a president must step up to a crisis. It might have been better to wait until the worst was over, but a leader cannot always wait for the "best" time. He spoke when he hac to and performed as much sur- gery as he decided was neces- sary. 6. "He was emotional." That he was. Nixon's Water gate speech was not an activi- ties report or a legal brief. De scribed in his opening line as coming "from my ir was a reach by a man, neither a hollow man nor a plastic man, for a people's trust, cen- tred on his pledge to be "worthy of that later "worthy o their and finally, to re porters afterward, "worthy o your trust" We should not feign surprise or take offense at the display of sincere emotion from a man deeply wounded but determinec not to quit, whose greatest am- bition now is to prove himseU "worthy." If, because he permitted zeal- otry to grow in his own back- yard, this president is zealously pronounced unworthy to fulfi his dream of building a stabl< world peace, then that for him and for all the rest of us would be in Antony's words "the most unkindest cut of all.' 1973 NEA, Inc. 'Tune in to tomorrow evening's news for the next ing installment of the Watergate The Lethbridge Herald 504 TUj St. S., Lethbriuge, Alberta LETHBRIDGE HERALD CO. LTD., Proprietors and Published 1905 -1954. by Hon. W. A. BUCHANAN Second CIIU Mall Registration No. 0012 Mtmbtr of The Canadian Press the Canadian Daily Newspautr Publlihtra' Association end the Audit Bureau of Circulations CLEO W MOWERS, Editor and Publisher THOMAS H. ADAMS, General Manager DON PILLING WILLIAM HAY Managing Editor Editor ROY f MILES OOUGLAi K WALKER Mmtlslng Minagtf Editorial Page Editor THE HERALD SERVES THE SOUTH" ;