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Lethbridge Herald, The (Newspaper) - June 14, 1974, Lethbridge, Alberta 4-THE LETHBRIDGE HERALD Friday, June 14, 1974 Poll shows sophisticated electorate By W. A. Wilson, Montreal Star commentator Red Brain drain? The latest word from Pravda. via its leading commentator, is that the West is demanding freedom of emigration from the Soviet because it is in need of Russian scientists, managers and technicians. In the face of all the evidence that Russia badly needs western technology in order to develop its resources, this is a little hard to accept. Russian hockey players, yes. Russian ballet dancers, yes. Russian writers, well, perhaps. But Russian There is no doubt that Russian industry has made great strides in the past few decades, but if their technology cannot match that oi the West it is doubtful'if their technicians and managers can. The latest evidence of this comes from New York where a deal has just been completed between the U.S.S.R. and International Paper, the world's largest paper company IP contracted to sell its technology in return for a vested interest in Siberian forests which contain a third of the world's supply of pulpwood. It takes the Russians twice as long as it does the Americans to build pulp mills and paper plants and this is where they want help. Small wonder that the minister for the Soviet paper industry was reported, to be bubbling with enthusiasm when he signed the contract. The technology gap is also evident in the space program, as American scientists and technicians involved in the joint space mission, set for 1975. are now finding out. Soviet hardware is simply less sophisticated and precise and reconciling the two systems is creating considerable concern and is of paramount importance to the men who will be manning the American cratt during the linkup in space. Since all of this is no secret to the Russians, at least to those in the upper echelons of government who have seen first hand the results of western technology, it can only be supposed that this charge was for domestic consumption, to explain away the embarrassing pressure from the U.S. Congress, if not the U.S. administration, to relax emigration restrictions and to counter the demand for free emigration and travel made by western nations at the Geneva security conference. After all. it would be difficult for the leaders of a closed society like that of the Soviet Union to admit, or even to understand, that freedom is its own goal. poll showing that 82 per cent of the people believe this country is doing as well as or better than the rest of the advanced world in coping with inflation probably tells more about Canadians and their state of mind than any other recent indication we have had. It should be put against the unremitting chorus of com- plaint, by no means all of it coming from politicians, which seeks to persuade the listener or the reader that if only governments would not be so stupid or indifferent they could end these problems quickly. That approach makes up a large part of the intellectual diet of the House of Commons when it is sitting and it is the stock of trade of some of the radio talk shows that seek to exhibit unending "concern." The poll, by contrast, sug- gests a far more sophisticated electorate than many of the politicians are bidding for in this campaign and a relatively high resistance to salesmen of nostrums. Too much that comes pouring out from the political process suggests that the public has no other frame ol reference and this is patent nonsense. A distinguished public official remarked here the other day that he senses an increased public feeling of "the unmanageability of problems." If he is correct, that is not wholly a bad thing because the public was probably over-sold at one stage on the contrary proposi- tion that problems are essen- tially manageable. The effort to over-sell the people goes on. By and large, all these par- ties have just had a bad reac- tion to their housing proposals. The public senses it is being offered nostrums, not solutions. David Lewis proposes six per cent interest for mortgages and ignores the accompanying implications. When lending institutions are paying nine per cent or more to secure funds to lend, an attempt to force them to divert a proportion of this into six-per cent mortgages must either dry up the supply or lead to still higher interest rates in other areas in a proc- ess of cross-subsidization. Mr. Stanfield would let people charge off the upper edge of their mortgage interest against their income tax If the state had an endless supply of money with which to finance this con- cession all would be for the best in the best of all possible worlds. But of course it has Mr. Stanfield's concession would be financed bv others who have bought homes earlier at lower rates or who live in rented premises. It is very dubious social policy to make the tenant help finance ultimate capital gains for those who buy regardless of the cost of money and that is what the Stanfield proposal would do. The government, on its side, has brought forward a basket of proposals which would do nothing to increase the supply of housing. Some, are declared to be instantly in effect, in an effort to bind the hands of any successor although once it was defeated in the House of Commons the Trudeau administration was forced into a caretaker position. An administration that cannot properly appoint a senator should be more careful of making very large financial commitments, not as a party's campaign RUSSELL BAKER Peace for all One imagines the president and Secretary Kissinger emitting vast sighs of relief as they soared out of their homeland for foreign shores in pursuit of the generation of peace. There is little here any longer to encourage them to dwell upon their nobility. Beset by sheriffs, prosecutors, querulous scribes and a sullen populace, what great man would not welcome a grand tour abroad accepting the salute of cannon and the deference of sheiks to remind them that dishonor in the homeland is the true test of prophethood? Kissinger's brief stay in Washington after his long stay in Araby must have been particularly unsettling. Having returned a hero only to find that the press was more interested in whether he had lied to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee about wiretapping, he was disagreeably reminded that while he had been laboring on the generation of peace abroad a generation of cynicism had come to full flower at home. As for the president, whose seventh crisis now seems likely to afflict the country longer than the Vietnam war. he would be less than human if he did not feel an impulse to settle permanently among foreigners and let the subpoenas gather dust at the White House gate. He is. after all. a man who could exclaim in private conversation that he would like to be shed of the whole presidential business and see Agnew taking the pressure. Is it not in character that he should feel a similar urge now to put down at a warm weather port and announce that henceforth the White House will be located abroad for the full time service of the generation of peace? It is an absurd idea, of course, which is precisely what makes it plausible. For the past two years the absurd has been the commonplace in government, and after the first day or two of excited headlines about the White House's refusal to come back to the United States we should quickly accept it as we have accepted all the other improbabilities of recent months. Such an event would, in fact, be an excellent solution to the entire Watergate affair. The president would be over there someplace working on the generation of peace without being hounded mercilessly by courts and Congress, and the rest of us would be over here, just as we are now. managing somehow to get along without a president. Freed from the harassment of American courts for surely no host country would extradite him he would not have to press the dangerous doctrine that presidents are beyond the law. Congress could go home, and the rest of us could learn to think about something other than President Nixon 16 hours a day. In his domestic manifestation the president at this stage is. in any case, only an encumbrance to the country. If he were established abroad as the bringer of peace, we would retain his useful foreign policy- services without the disadvantage of having him permanently planted in the forefront of our vision, making it impossible to think about fishing, baseball, watering the flowerbeds and sitting on the front porch smelling the honeysuckle. Leaving aside the legal questions of Watergate. President Nixon seems to have tired the country so thoroughly with his conduct of the affair that there might be a substantial vote for exiling him as a nuisance, provided the vote did not imply a judgment that he had committed crimes, or was unfit for office, or was anything else other than a source of intense national fatigue which we should like to have removed. The constitution, unfortunately, does not provide for exile and cannot be amended for that purpose in time to give us relief. On the other hand, it contains nothing that forbids a president from removing himself to foreign parts and continuing to do his business from over the waters. Presidents, in fact, commonly do this for short terms. President Nixon would undoubtedly be happier finishing his second term abroad. The Adriatic coast of Italy would be ideal, considering his taste for warm water. He would be freed of all the domestic impediments now obstructing his great work for peace, and we would be freed of a tiresome and disagreeable distraction from the great work of living. After a few years everybody might very well be glad to cheer him on a triumphal visit to Washington for a weekend at the White House. Expo V Entertainment By Georgean Harper. local writer As world fairs go Expo 74 is retatively small. however, it is still well worth visiting. Ten different countries are represented along with four states and two Canadian provinces. Some of the industrial and special group exhibits are very good. Russia; United States: Japan; and the Philippines, have pavilions, and the first three countries plus Washington State present films. Children would particularly enjoy The Canada Island playground; the talking telephones in the Bell pavilion; the automotive displays in the Ford building and the simulated steering skill test in the General Motors pavilion. (They ask for three volunteers every- 15 minutes to climb into the front seat of a 1974 G M. car when demonstrating the protective air and the endangered species exhibit in the Vanishing Animal Pavilion. A pleasant bonus for children and adults alike will be found in a great variety of arts and crafts sponsored by the Smithsonian Institute. Many hundreds of Northwest area participants demonstrate the crafts of many heritages. Ethnic groups stage songs, dances and ceremonials. Polish paper cutting, vmlm making. Ing cabin building without using nails are just three examples of this fascinating area. Don't miss the Haida Art of Bill Reid in the British Columbia Pavilion. Working in gold, silver, wood and slate, and on paper, he exhibits the tradition and artistry of the British Columbia Haida people. Drop into the Reno Nevada Room by the post office. fairgoer is allowed one pull "n the giant "one armed bandit" slot machine The winner's prize will be four days and three nights in Reno. Numerous delightful bazaars and boutiques which exude the flavor of their country, offer international items for sale Don't overlook these as a source of visual pleasure as well as 'Thev asked me if I'd mind leaving you outside promise, but as a fiat of government. It should be doubly careful when, as in the case of the housing proposals put forward by Mr. Trudeau and Mr. Basio some have already come up tor consideration in the privacy of its committees and rejected on the grounds that the effect would be too inflationary. The real trouble is that, be- cause each of the parties has been seeking instant effect, none has come to grips with the problem. New housing is being produced in Canada at more than twice the rate of net family formation. There is. therefore, a major re- housing effort going on The Liberal aim is to divert as much as possible of this into lower-priced construction. A strong case can be made, therefore, for increasing still further the supply of new housing coming onto the mar- ket. That, however, is difficult. It would be necessary to in- crease the supply of building materials, capital and skilled labor. Effective action would be necessary to end the artificial scarcity of sub- divided land. The construction industry would need assurance of safetv from stop- go government policies. This and so on. In a few .within the span of a normal output of the housing industry could, how- ever, be substantially in- creased. A major industry. Because that basic supply approach would need time, and a good deal of it, neither the Liberals. Tories nor New Democrats see any appeal in it. The minister of finance. John Turner, deserves some of the credit for the obvious Canadian understanding that the country is caught up in a world-wide inflation in which nostrums will not work. One of his rivals. Tory Alvin Hamilton, has a refreshing view. He conceded in Saskatchewan that Mr Stanfield has become entangled in trying to explaii. temporary price and incomes controls. -Stanfield has got himself into a bit of a box." he admit- ted. Mr. Hamilton's alternative0 Take and describe long-term policy. It is just possible that if a political leader would do this. people would listen. Questions unanswered by Kissinger's threat Bv Anthony Lewis. New York Times commentator treasures to own. One of the most important aspects and displays of Expo unfortunately will probably be the least noticed, as they appear uninteresting and much time is required to read the information. This is the Nasa Environmental Symposia. Briefly, the program will be made up of three major international symposia or conferences. designed to review the past, assess the present and discuss the future. In addition. there will be six national or topical conferences geared to the theme. Learning to Live on'a Small Planet. These are designed to stimulate public discussion on energy. population, health, human settlements and resource management. One major symposia was held in May. The two remaining are on July 16-38 and October 23-30. If interested in participating, write The Registrar. Expo '74 Symposia Series. P.O. Box 1974. Spokane. Washington. 99210. Telephone 309 '456-7353 The symbol for Expo '74 is an adaptation to a flat plane of one of the most intriguing geometric figures ever realized. Named after its discoverer, the Mobius strip is a three dimensional form which has only one side with no definable beginning or end it is continuous This illustrates nicely, the unity of man in his natural surroundings earth. sky and water. These represent a continuum. lust as a Mobius strip does. The line will soon meet itself again just as man inevitably meets himself in the consequences of his actions in the natural environment of which he is an inseparable part. Perhaps this is the time to take stock and to re-assess our goals as individuals and as nations of the world. Expo should encourage us to think. Faced with the major problem of our time the energy environment crisis mankinds revitalized hope for the future is best strengthened bv all nations sharing a thoughtful rededication. LONDON Henry A. Kissinger's unique place in world politics was indicated plainly enough by the British treatment of his resignation threat. It made banner headlines even in the tabloids. The Guardian doubtless reflected informed opinion when it said his departure would be "a sad day." His extraordinary position has its heavy burdens. For months Kissinger has conducted the foreign policy of a great power in the virtual absence of political leadership. He spent exhausting weeks successfully negotiating in one of the most impossible situations on earth, the Middle East. He might well feel, after all that, that the press was sharper than a serpent's tooth to ques- tion him again about wiretapping. But sympathy stops there. Kissinger has had ample glory from his office, and less criticism than many- secretaries of state. His threat of resignation was calculated to arouse alarm and support for him. especially in Congress, and it did. But there are questions that will not go away: questions about integrity, civility and respect for the democratic process. The immediate issue is whether Kissinger was truthful in denying to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that he had or the wiretapping of 17 White House colleagues and reporters starting in 1969. But it is not just a verbal quibble. At his confirmation hearings the secretary sought to give the impression that he had had only a remote relationship to that tapping. The committee showed no desire to pursue the matter. But evidence has emerged since then to suggest that he was much more centrally involved in the tapping episode. In his angry news conference at Salzburg he said it was a "fact" that "the wiretaps in question were legal." Many legal scholars would disagree. The Supreme Court unanimously rejected the argument that the president has inherent power to use taps against domestic organizations thought to be threatening the country's security. Would the court have found such a power to tap. say. journalists, without express Congressional authorization and without court orders? It is really more a question of decency, of civility, than of law. Kissinger says now that he finds wiretapping but some who observed him first hand in the White House noticed no great qualms about such surreptitious operations. Try to imagine the great LETTER No special treatment from NDP I would like to discuss the issue of illegal strikes and what government should do about them. 11 appeared to me that the Liberal and Conservative candidates were waffling in answer to this question on the recent local TV debate. The answer is quite simple. To govern effectively one must be firm in the application of the rule of law The impression left with the viewer was that the NDP would give illegal strikers special treatment. This is simply not true. what Dave Barrett did in British Columbia when he warned labor not to expect any special favors from his government. The function of an NDP government as I sec it would be to apply the laws as they are constituted. Furthermore. an even more important Junction of the government would be to create an environment which produces a harmonious sense ol fair play in labor management relations. If certain laws arc deemed unjust or unfair then they must be replaced with more human laws. The function of any government. NDP or any other, is rot to take sides in any labor dispute, but to ensure that the rights and privileges of all roncerned are upheld The rights and privileges as defined by law- may tend to favor management or labor depending on who drafted the law. It is on this basis that the NDP appeals for labor support at election time, not 1o draft laws that arc favorable to labor alone bu1 Ibe consumer as well. We in the New Democratic Party have never claimed that wages will go sky high if elected, but we have said we will curb high prices. Something that free enterprise and "competition" have so far failed to do. Surely the best way to prevent illegal strikes is 1o promote and produce a sense of economic justice and fair play in Canada Republican secretaries of state of the past Charles Evans Hughes, or Henry Stimson standing still for the wiretapping of their associates. No one would have dared make such a suggestion to those men. Doubt remains that Kissinger really perceives how nasty it is to initiate or condone spying on one's own colleagues and friends. When Kissinger complains of being persecuted, of suffering attacks on his honor, it is somewhat reminiscent of President Nixon seeking sympathy for his "difficult" decision to bomb Hanoi at Christmas. 1972. Sympathy- should be saved for the victims. In this case they were honorable public and journalists, and their wives and children. t'nlikc the president, the secretary of state evidently does have something nagging at his conscience. He has rome back to the wiretapping question again and again, not only in the remarkable Salzburg pcriormance but in private conversations. How much pain might have been avoided if he had been candid with the Senate in the first place, if he had accepted a share of responsibility for his abuse of power. The difficulty is that Henry Kissinger may not see any abuse For Ihe wiretap episode is closely related to his whole view of government power, who should exercise it and how. What led to this wiretapping was a story disclosing that the United States was secretly bombing Cambodia. Kissinger was furious at the disclosure. And the premise of his fury- was that the president of the United States should have power to bomb another country without informing, much less consulting. Congress or the public. That view of power fits some systems of government; it worked well for Bismark up to a point. But as we learned so painfully in Vietnam, the secret manipulation of power docs not suit our constitutional democracy. Henry Kissinger has always wanted to operate alone to be the lone horseman, as he once put" it. Some of his resentment that boUed up in Salzburg may relate not only to the wiretapping issue but to doubts thrown recently on the honor and the effectiveness of his one-man performance in thr Vietnam negotiations. To ask him to accept the restraints and inconveniences