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Lethbridge Herald, The (Newspaper) - June 8, 1973, Lethbridge, Alberta 4 THI WTHMIDGE HSRAlO Friday, June 8, 1973 Cover-up blight began in Indochina Stanfield stands tall Opposition Leader Robert Stanfield showed at his statesmanly best on the bilingualism issue. That may not be appreciated by some Conserva- tive members of the House or by supporters of the party in various parts of the country. It is even possi- ble that Mr. Stanfield's leadership of the Conservative party has been placed in jeopardy an ironical twist if there ever was one. Seldom has a man in political life had to contend with th'e kind of alba- tross former Conservative leader John Diefenbaker has proved to be to Robert Stanfield. Yet throughout all the upstaging attempted by Mr. Die- fenbaker and the divisiveness creat- ed by the former chief in keeping alive old loyalties, Mr. Stanfield has retained his equanimity and patient- ly borne his tribulation. The critical importance of support- ing and implementing the recommen- dations of the commission on biling- ualism and biculturalism have al- ways been clearly recognized by Mr. Standfield. He has consistently held his ground on the necessity of making the country bilingual and he has backed his position by the re- markable feat of becoming accept- ably bilingual at an age when most people shy away from the effort that such an accomplishment requires. It was unfortunate for the political future of Mr. Stanfield that he did not get more recognition for all this from the people of Quebec in the last federal election. If Quebec had sent him a few more members he would probably be prime minister today pressing policies directed to- ward strengthening Confederation which the Diefenbaker faction could oppose less easily and openly than was the case on the recent govern- ment resolution. There is reason to doubt that the resolution was needed. That doubt certainly permits the suspicion that Prime Minister Trudeau may have used it to embarrass the Conserva- tives by exposing their split on the issue. )The certainty of such motiva- tion, of course, cannot be known. The upshot of it aU was that MPs were forced to stand up and be count- ed on bilingualism. All three mem- bers representing Southern Alberta stood with their leader Mr. Stanfield and for a matter vital to Canadian unity _ although Lethbridge MP Ken Hurlburt, according to remarks attributed to him, only did so inad- vertently while trying to avoid a trap he was sure had been set by Mr. Trudeau. Cheers for Crombie There may be more to the walkout of Toronto Mayor David Crombie from the conference of mayors in Charlottetown than his objection to it being merely a social occasion but if that is the essence of the thing it is refreshing. Staging conferences has become big business; attending them is al- most a way of life for some- Yet a lot of conferences are a colossal waste of time and an inexcuseable pilfering of public funds. Anyone who has done the confer- ence bit knows that the rate of ab- senteeism, is scandalously high with delegates at best prowling the con- ference centre halls and at worst seeing the town. It costs a lot of money to make such visiting and playing possible and most of it comes directly or indirectly out of the public purse. If a conference is not staged by a government or a depart- ment of a government or an institu- tion financed by government, the ex- pense of attending one is generally allowed as an income tax deduction. Conferences rarely accomplish any- thing. Papers are read, debates take place, resolutions are passed and then the entire proceedings get printed and go some place to collect dust. Even the sociability thing so as- siduously promoted today is fre- quently empty of any significance. Should conferences continue to be deemed necessary or desirable they are not apt to fade away be- cause of Mayor Crombie's gesture the social parts could be considered expendable. These entertainment breaks are not only a waste of time but frequently are more exhausting than the grind of attending to busi- ness. Cheers for Mayor Crombie for his stand. c ERIC NICOL Boys will be boys Fifty American women, between the ages of 24 and 40, have written a book called Our Bodies, Ourselves to show that it's better to be a boy than a girl. How true it is. I was a boy (still am, in fact) and 1 can vouch for the fact that it was better than being a girl. As a boy I got to stand up in the street- car and bus tc let a lady sit down. Girls remained seated and missed a lot of fun, like having the corner of a large package lodged in their eye, and bouncing around the back platform on curves. Girls, you ha- ven't lived till you've been stomped by a tram-load of shoppers. Another thrill I had as a boy, instead of a girl, was getting the strap at school. The education system had it worked out that girls might be naughty, but boys were bad This meant that girls were denied cor- poral punishment, a serious gap in their character development. Along with this enrichment of our phys- ical experience, we boys never had to worry about our appearance. Girls had to look pretty. Their mothers made attractive clothes for them, whereas a boy was ade quately dressed so long as the shreds covered his private parts. You knew you were a boy when you had to comb your sneakers. When the class photo was taken, the boys placed in the rear rows, so that only our heads and shoulders were visible. Oth- erwise the photo would look like refugees from a rummage sale. This sort of favoritism gave girls the no- tion that they were more decorative than boys, and it went to their heads. They look- ed upon a boy as a lower form of life. I hated high school because I felt I should sidle through the halls ringing a bell and mumbling "Unclean, unclean." This did wonders for my sense of humil- ity vis-a-vis the opposite sex. I never felt worthy of buying a girl a soda pop. Girls had to depend for their treats on a small clique of boys whose delusions of gran- deur led them to believe that they were equal to girls. The authors of Our Bodies, Ourselves tell us that for girls these advantages are off- set by spending "a lot of time becoming sweet and dependent." I guess they're right there. I know that we boys didn't spend much time becoming and dependent. A couple of boys in my grade tried it once, more or less as a challenge, but it didn't agree with them. They also got thrown out of the rugby team. We boys operated under the umbrella of privilege referred to as "Boys will be boys." Nobody ever said "Girls will be because nobody really knew what girls were. It was a secret, which girls whispered to one another, giggling, and making a boy blush furiously (another ju- nior male Now that girls are publishing the facts of what girls are, boys will, they say, be better off than ever. Boys "will be re- lieved of the pressure of being masculine at all times." This means that we boys get to weep all our lives, instead of at just the beginning and the end. And we are allowed to indulge in multiple relationships, depending on whether we happen to feel masculine or feminine at the moment. Yes sir, I certainly do envy boys who are just starting out at such. If we older boys had it ail that good, gee, how much better can you get? Presuming on goodwill By Dong Walker One Saturday, as is my usual wont on the days I do not go to the office, I took my wife her breakfast in bed. I wouldn't eat in bed unless confined there but. Elspeth seems to rate the experi- ence highly so I humor her getting a slice of toast and a cup of instant coffee ready doesn't tax my culinary abilities too much. On the occasion mentioned earlier I re- ceived the usual expressions of gratitude for my little husbandly thoughtfulness and then Elspefh said, "tomorrow I'll have an orange as well." By Mark Frankland, London Observer commentator SAIGON Saigon may seem an odd place from which to add anything to all that has been written about the Watergate af- fair, but at least one of the causes of what went wrong in Washington surely lies here in Indochina. The American columnist Stewart Alsop has suggested that the shocking thing about Watergate was the use of se- cret service methods to control American politics. It was in Indochina, more than any- where else, that secret service methods became the mainstay of a major United States pol- icy. The conditions for this were: an unexpectedly resilient ene- my; equally unexpectedly un- satisfactory allies; an Ameri- can public only partly convinc- ed that Indochina mattered as much as its government said it did; and, lastly, the realization by Washington that whatever the true value of Indochina to American interests, events there might destroy the Unit- ed States' standing in the rest of the world. Had America been an empire in the manner of Great Britain 100 years ago Indochina, would have been more manageable. The justification of empire was to direct and control subject peoples for their own good. Neither would a great Com- munist power have had Amer- ica's troubles. Marxism-Lenin- ism is easily twisted into doing what is judged good for people rather than what people them- selves want. But America is a democracy where the government is sup- posed to do what a majority of the people want, and an Am- erican ally for whom Ameri- cans are spending money and dying is supposed to conduct its government in the same way. Almost from the start of its involvement in Indochina there was doubt about these conditions being met. Almost from the start the American Bolivia's military boss seeks friends By James Neilson, London Observer commentator BUENOS AIRES right-wing dictatorship, per- haps the most fragile regime in Latin America is gradually drifting towards the moderate Centre after emerging from the worst crisis to confront it since it seized power after a bloody three-day civil war in August 1971. Months of dissatisfaction with the president, Colonel Hugo Banzer, came to a head with the discovery of a right-wing plot to overthrow him when he was out of the country at the May 25 Argentine presidential inauguration. The plot came to light at the beginning of May, after a gunfight in the heart of La Paz, the Bolivian capital. Its leader was Colonel Andres Selich, who died on May 14 after being savagely beaten up Letters Bouquet for Joan An effective drama critic must have both an interesting literary style and a compre- hensive knowledge of dramatic literature, acting techniques and stagecraft. But for a critic to adequately review a performance by stu- dents, it is also necessary to have an understanding of young people and their ca- pabilities. Joan Waterfield, in her recent review of the Kate Andrews High School evening of one act plays, exhibited she has indeed all these qualities. While pointing out weakness- es and areas requiring im- provement, she avoided harsh, destructive criticism. She gave praise where deserved without lavish, unrealistic raves. Most of all she gave encouragement to the young people to continue learning and loving the theatre. Let's hope that we will see more of Mrs. Waterfield's work in the future. N. MANN Lethbridge Shocked and disgusted After reading the article con- cerning the treatment of Be- linda Manybears, the little In- dian girl whose body was ship- ped home in a cardboard box, our grade nine social studies class discussed it. We are shocked and disgusted at tlrs thought that something as ap- palling as this could happen in a society supposedly as civ- ilized as ours In Canada everyone is sup- posed to be equal and have equal rights. Average white Canadians would never have been treated this way because society would not dare allow it. It seems that if you're an In- dian and poor you're not con- sidered a human being. The conduct of the two hos- pitals concerned was inexcus- able, but we wonder if we can just blame a hospital or a doc- tor, or do we blame our so- ciety whose values create an atmosphere within which such things are allowed to happen. Must we all in fact shoulder some blame? We trust that something as inhuman, pathetic, and sicken- ing as this will never happen again. SHELLY TUNSTALL Representative of the Grade Nine, Senator Gershaw High School, Bow Island, Alberta 'Crazy Capers' Never mind the action re- play...get in. by police officers who were in- terrogating him. The police said first that Sel- ich had died of injuries receiv- ed on "falling but Interior Minister Alfredo Arce courageously investigated and announced that the death was due to police brutality. This admission cost Arce his job, as extreme right-wing members of Banzer's government pressed for his dismissal on the grounds that Arce was ultimately re- sponsible for the murder The death of Selich removed a danger that had haunted Ban- zer since he assumed power. Selich, a glamorous, swash- buckling soldier, had led the Ranger battalion that smashed the guerrilla band of Ernesto Che Guevara in October 1967, and was hero-worshipped by- many Bolivian officers. He helped Banzer to grab power and was, for a time, his inter- ior minister. But the two men soon parted company, Selich's ideas being too right-wing for even Banzer to stomach. Selich's death largely remov- ed the threat of an extreme right-wing coup, but Banzer did iiot feel safe enough to make his trip to Buenos Aires. In- stead, he stayed in La Paz and surreptitiously opened negoti- ations with left-wing groups out- side the government coalition. He also drew closer to the mod- erate Nationalist Revolutionary Movement members of his co- alition while moving away from the extreme right-wing Bolivian Socialist Falange, although he did not go as far as to provoke its desertion of the government. Banzer is well aware that the Left offers a far greater long- term challenge than the Right. The Left enjoys wide support among urban workers and es- pecially the miners, who have been the catalyst of numerous coups and uprisings. Bolivia's peasantry, chiefly of Indian blood, has proved responsive to the blandishments of caudil- los from both Right and Left, and many of them are turning Mice again to Banzer's predeces- sor, General Juan Jose Torres. Torres had tried to install and peasants' Sovi- ets" in the country, and the en- suing turmoil had contributed to his downfall. Since the coup that swept him from pow- er he has been patiently re- grouping his forces. Trade un- ions broken up by Banzer in the first flush of victory have been revived, with leaders far closer to the rank and file than before. Guerrilla bands are ac- tive once again. And Torres, who lives in exile in Chile with many other Bolivian left-wingers, has managed to retain his leader- ship. The rise of a Peronist gov- ernment in Argentina, some of whose members are vociferous suporters of all Latin Ameri- can movements which claim to be nationalist and left wing, has encouraged Banzer's drift to the centre. So far he has lean- ed on Brazil for encouragement and financial support; the right-wing Brazilian military regime has subsidized a num- ber of joint ventures, and has many friends in the Bolivian armed forces. But now Bolivia is surrounded on three sides by nationalist left wing govern- ments Argentina, Chile and Peru and Banzer is worried by the close ties between some of Brazil's more aggressive generals and his own right- wing enemies. Banzer, therefore, Is doing his best to disengage himself from Brazilian influence and adopt a position which is equi- distant from all his neighbors. He is also taking a rather cool- er stance towards the United States, with which he has been on good terms thanks to his willingness to compensate U.S. companies expropriated by the Torres regime. President Nix- on's decision to sell off some of the U.S. tin stockpile, thus de- pressing prices on world mar- kets of Bolivia's main foreign exchange earner, came as a severe jolt, and added another impulse to the forces driving Banzer leftward. Banzer's hopes of surviving depend on his ability to widen his power base. Economic cir- cumstances, however, led to a massive devaluation of Bolivia's currency last year, and the cost of living has climbed steep- ly since then. Awareness of his unpopularity among the Bolivi- an masses although some peasants support him has made the Left chary of bis ov- ertures. The armed forces and the right wingers of the Fal- ange have been angered by the murder of Selich. It remains to be seen whether the Nationalist Revolutionary Movement, which had a notable left-wing past before it shifted to the Right, will prove substantial enough to keep him in power. government had to resort to cret service politics. The essence of secret service politics is the use of deceit and force, short of open war, to achieve ends beyond the reach of ordinary diplomacy. It is said that several years ago new recruits into the British Secret Intelligence Service were given a lecture by a donnish spy- master that began: "Politics is If this were true all that is hopeful about British history the development of democracy must be ed. The men who wrote, and the others who have tried to fol- low, the American Constitution must be dismissed as idiots or hypocrites. But it was just this one-sided and corrupting inter- pretation of politics that events forced on America in Indochina. Governments in Indochina were supported or overthrown according to then: value or oth- erwise to Washington. If Presi- dent Thieu is unlikely to be re- moved by an American supported coup, as President Diem was, it is because the American gov- ernment judges Thieu to be ef- fective. But in Cambodia Presi- dent Lon Nol, just as much as a legally-elected president as Mr. Thieu, stands a good chance of being eased out by the United States (though very likely by more gentle methods than were used against the un- fortunate Various international agree- ments, notably the Geneva Ac- cords on Indochina of 1954, combined with doubts about Indochina in the minds of some congressmen and part of 'the public, obliged the American government to cover up much of what it was doing. The most notorious cover-up was the "se- cret war" in Laos in which the American government got the CIA to hire ex-Army officers to lead a mercenary army of hill tribesmen and Thais (vol- unteers from the Royal Thai Army a fact which was also meant to be The urge to do things secret- ly became so ingrained that se- crecy was imposed even when it was not necessary. The heavy American bombing of Cambod- ia that started earlier this year is an example. There could be no secret about the raids tak- ing place, but the Ameri- can Embassy in Phnom-Penh gave the impression it played no part in their planning and direction. Journalists and Sen- ate investigators later found out this was not true. Their dis- covery has not in any way hin- dered this bombing. The conflict between public American aims in Indochina the defence of democracy and the means that America used to fight the Indochinese Communists naturally made secrecy a useful tactic. Wash- ington has not built a democ- racy in South Vietnam: it has instead (as a disenchanted Am- erican official put it) "given President Thieu the tools to op- erate a dictatorship under dem- ocratic forms." It may well be that Western-style democracy will not transplant to Indo- china; that the conflict can only be between two sorts of authori- tarianisAi; and that to criticize Thieu for being an autocrat is as pointless as turning up one's nose at coffee because it does not taste like tea. But that is not the way that the American government presented the war to its own people or to its al- lies. As a journalist in Indochina one sometimes met American soldiers and officials who were aggrieved that they had to fight this war under restraints that did not worry the Commun- ists. One catches the same tone in President Nixon's remarks when he complains that Russia has no difficulty in keeping her secrets. But should an honest man envy an embezzler for his ability to make money? What Indochina appears to have done is to have weakened the understanding that democ- racy means imposing limits on government and that these re- strictions should not be moan- ed about but prized, because they are the product of the luckiest parts of human history and brainchildren of some of its most sensible and humane men. Once American adminis- trations tried to cut through these restrictions in Indochina, wasn't it inevitable that some people would try to ignore them in America too? The Lethbridge Herald 9M 7th St. S., Lethbruge, Alberta U5IBMUDGB HERAU> LTD., Proprietors and PuUiahm PlMMwd MW-1964, by Hon. W. A. BUCHANAN Cloi Man Registration No. 0012 Member at Canadian and the Canadian Daily Nawtoaoar PvMMMfl' AewcMlon and the Audit i of circulaSSna MOWERS, editor and Publisher THOMAS H. ADAMS, Ganaral Manager DON WILLIAM HAY Aatoclata Editor ROY f. MILBS DOUGLAS K. WALKER Mwrttalng Manager tdltorlal Page Editor THE HEUAID 9MVES THE SOUTH" ;