Lethbridge Herald, The (Newspaper) - July 30, 1970, Lethbridge, Alberta
4 THE UTHBRIDGE HERALB Thursday, July 30, 1970 David Per man Relying On The Lobby Elected representatives are respon- sible for effecting legislation and will ultimately pass a law on the designa- tion of wilderness areas. But the holding of public hearings to try to determine the mind of the majority on this vital issue is surely a com- mendable venture in democracy. The hearing in Lethbridge which attracted an impressive number of people nearly half of them tra- velled more than 50 miles to be in attendance was disturbing for the simple reason that only one side of the issue was voiced. The Herald is on the side of those who believe that a designated wilderness area should be strictly safeguarded against the invasion of the extractive industries. There is, therefore, nothing but ap- proval for the excellent briefs pre- sented at the hearing. Undoubtedly there are business in- terests opposed to legislation that would rule them out in perpetuity from the potentially rich wilderness areas. There would be no controversy surrounding the proposed legislation if tins were not so. If the business interests do not pre- sent their case at the public hear- ings they may, of course, be sav- ing their guns for firing at the hear- ings in the other centres it would suggest that they feel they have other means of effectively making their voices heard. The old system of lob- bying the ministers and members would thus mean that the public hearings are an exercise in futility. A warning was indeed voiced at the Lethbridge meeting that all conser- vationists should make an effort to reach the ministers and members with their views. There are obviously two sides to the issue. If one side chooses to rely on the method of the lobby the other cannot afford to shun it in the illusion that they have done all that is necessary in making their views known to civil servants. Civil servants can draft legislation but they cannot pass it. Heath Draws The Aces The Heath government can breathe more easily. It has scored a high mark in political tactics with the end of the dock strike. The confrontation between government and labor could easily have gone the other way, but this time government drew all the aces in the poker game. Apparently deciding that facing up to the situa- tion immediately would in the long run be better than giving in and liv- ing with the results, the Heath cab- inet faced the show-down, knowing that the short term effects of a strike long as it did not last too long- would be less harmful than acceding to union demands. The dockers' demands for an 80 per cent basic wage increase was viewed in most quarters as being totally un- realistic. There is plenty of evidence too that those demands were not sup- ported by the entire body of the Transport and General Workers' Union. Many dockers in the smaller and less militant ports opposed the strike for various reasons, but under pressure they backed down for the sake of national union solidarity. There still remains the possibility that stevedores at some of the larger and more belligerent ports may defy orders and stay off a time. But if they do they will risk deliver- ing a blow to TGWU solidarity that could lead to its fragmentation and loss of power. Short term losses have been heavy, but they are losses which the British economy can take. The settlement is particularly satisfactory at this time when Britain is negotiating on entry terms to the European Common Mar- ket. A long drawn out labor dispute could well have been a disastrous set back for Britain's position, for its economic future and in the final an- alysis for the dockers themselves who would suffer along with the rest. Evidence Lacking Policemen have a difficult and dan- gerous job. There was some sugges- tion arising from the International Conference of P o 1 i c e Associations held in Montreal that it is more dan- gerous than the evidence indicates. In Canada, at least, talk about the "wholesale slaughter" of policemen must be considered to be exagger- ated. Throughout the whole of Can- ada in 1969 there were five police- men who died on duty as a result of a criminal act. The year before that there were also five, and the year before that, three. There is no evidence that the aboli- tion of capital punishment or the com- muting of a death sentence to life imprisonment in the case of police killers has made the policeman's lot more dangerous. The new law was passed in 1967 and for the three years 1967 to 1969 there were 13 deaths. But in 1962 alone there had been 12 deaths. All these deaths are to be deplored and the dangerousness of the police- man's work should not be minimized. But at the same time it is a mistake to exaggerate the danger. A case for returning to capital punishment can scarcely be made from the data on police deaths. Actually, there is a poor case for creating alarm over violence gener- ally in the Canadian scene. as found in the Ouimet report in- dicate that there has been no great increase in crimes involving violence against individuals. There has been an increase in convictions but they only attest to "a phenomenal growth in the use and consequently mis- use of motor vehicles." The assertion that drastic steps needed to be taken to stop the whole- sale slaughter of policemen came not from a Canadian, but from an Amer- ican. In the United States it appears there may be more violence but even there the idea of "wholesale slaugh- ter" may be found to be overstated. No doubt about it exists as applied to Canada. Governing Montreal By Richard Purser, Herald Ottawa Bureau The national metropolis erated many of them himself. may soon become Canada's most in- teresting city politically as well as social- ly. Montreal has long been newsworthy for the magnitude of its social unrest, as re- flected in frequent outbreaks of unpleas- antness, and for its important role as breeding ground of Quebec's intellectual (and other) ferment. Civic politics, however, have customarily attracted little outside notice. Most peo- ple know that Jean Drapeau is the mayor, and it is all they have needed to know. Come to think of it, it's almost all Mori- trealers have needed to know themselves. So closely has the city been identified with the mayor for so many years, and so colorless have been the activities of the routinely re-elected, rubber-stamp city council, that public apathy toward local politics has been the order of the' day. All this may change as Montreal lurch- es toward a possible pace-setting role in urban government, that as yet new politi- cal experiment of bur time, and toward a new dominance in Quebec politics. One name is at the centre of all this, and it is not Mr. Drapeau's. It is that of Lucien Saulnier, chairman of the city's ex- ecutive committee. Except among his fel- low civic administrators all over North America, who know him almost as well as they know Mr. Drapeau, he is little known outside Montreal.. He was once as little known here, until the public became aware that he was the expert who worked behind the scenes to put Mr. Drapeau's ideas into effect and indeed may have gen- Now his name is as much a household word here as Mr. Drapeau's, so insep- arable are the two considered in the city's running. The city administration is refer- red to simply as the "D-S regime." He is probably the best-known civic ad- ministrator on the continent, just as- Mr. Drapeau is one of the best-known mayors. Between the two, they have built up one of the continent's most brilliant teams of civic department heads and inner-office advisers. But the roles are soon to change. Mr. Saulnier is stepping down from his pres- ent position to become chairman of the executive committee of the Montreal Ur- ban Community, a grouping of 29 area communities effectively raising Montreal's population from How Mr. Saulnier is making the transi- tion is a political story with comic over- tones of purely local interest, but the es- sential points arc that (a) nearly all 29 of the frequently" warring communities want him for the job, and (b) when he gets it he will wield enormous power, ruling more than one-third of the prov- ince's population. His MUC will be a vir- tual stale within a state, and one hold- ing most of the political and almost all of the economic clout in the province. He will be second in power only to Premier Bourassa and may be a serious rival even to him One thing is certain: Mr.' Saulnier will try to moke the MUC North America's most .successful experiment in urban gov- ernment Peace Talks To Prevent Trade War T ONDON Tin) Swiss city of Geneva has often been associated with peace confer- ences and other meetings de- signed to keep the world com- munity away from the brink of war. The line-up of a pe a c e meeting due to begin there July 31, however, is unusual in that all ths members are outwardly friendly States. They are in fact the United States, Britain, Japan and the six nation European Common Market and their purpose will be to try to prevent a world trade war. The phrase "trade war" used last week by President Nixon is scarcely too strong to describe what many people fear will result from the pres- ent strained relations between the major trading nations. The dispute has come to a head over textiles, and it is to try to find a peace formula on tex- tiles that this summit has been called by the staff of the Gen- eral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade For the past 16 months, the U.S. administration has been trying to secure from Japan a voluntary limitation on the ex- port of certain synthetic tex- tiles into the American market. The American textile industry located in the South- has had to lay off men and the manufacturers blame this on the increase of cheap imports from counties, like Japan, where labor costs are low. With the failure of the U.S. and Japan to reach a voluntary agreement, President Nixon de- cided to back legislation to im- pose mandatory quotas on .tex- tile imports, until such a time as voluntary quotas could be negotiated. This move in itself was a serious enough blow to world trade. American restrictions on textile imports could lead other large importers like Britain and the Common Market to in- troduce curbs. Quite apart from the possibility of retalia- tion in other fields from the textile producers, serious harm would be done to the more vul- nerable textile producers like India and Pakistan. The textile row is one tiling; the whole question of protec- tionism in world trade is an- other. It is felt in Europe that President Nixon, in calling for legislation on textile import quotas, gave deliberate and dangerous encouragement to tlie strong protectionist lobby in the U.S. Congress. No sooner had a committee of the House of Representatives begun hear- ings on the new trade Bill, than Congressmen began to add s c o r e s of amendments to ex- tend the protection of import quotas to other American indus- tries. The hearings are now over and the administration gives all the appearance of being horrified at the protec- tionist monster it has released. The president has said that he will not sign the Bill if it goes beyond import quotas on tex- tiles. But the Bill could very well become more protectionist, rather than less, when it be- gins its final passage through the House committee and then goes on to the full House of Representatives and Senate. What worries people in Eu- rope, particularly in the Com- mon Market headquarters in Brussels, is that the textile row is not an isolated incident, but the culmination of a long pro- cess. Since the end of the Sec- ond World War, when GATT was signed, immense progress has been made on removing ob- stacles like tariffs and quotas and liberalizing world trade. This liberalization reached its height in 1967 with the so-called Kennedy Round of tariff cuts, launched by the late president. The Kennedy Round was so successful that many people hoped that the days of tariffs and quotas were over and that attention could now be concen- trated on non tariff barriers to trade like differences in na- tional standards and health and safety regulations. But the old form of protectionism, em- bodied in the tariffs and quotas was by no means dead, as the present textile row shows. Since the Kennedy Round was completed mutual suspicion be- tween the United States and the Common Market has been growing. On the American side, there was the feeling that the Common Market was becoming an inward looking trading block, which was content to enjoy the lower trade barriers that the Kennedy Round had created for industrial goods but did not intend to reciprocate by dismantling its own high agri- cultural tariffs. America's pro- ducers of certain agricultural products, like wheat and soya beans, have been particularly bitter about the Common Mar- ket agricultural policy. On the European side, there has been a disenchantment over the American attachment to the idea of free trade. There is, for example, the case of the infamous American Sell i n g Price law, which controls the tariffs on certain chemical im- ports' into the United States. The U.S. promised to abolish it as part of the Kennedy Round negotiations, but ASP, as it is called, still exists and gives of- fence to foreign chemical pro- ducers. There have also been criti- cisms on the American side the Common Market's practice of making trading agreements, some of them preferential trad- ing agreements, with countries outside the European Commun- ity like. Spain, Morocco, Tu- nisia, Greece, Turkey and Is- rael, as well as the French- speaking states of Africa. The Americans fear that if the negotiations now going on with Britain, Ireland, Denmark, and Norway succeed, then the Com- mon Market trading bloc could eventually embrace not only the whole of Western Europe but also much of the Mediter- ranean and of the former Brit- ish and French colonial em- pires. Such a bloc would pose a major threat to the United States. And the Common Mar- ket's plans for economic and in- dustrial integration would fur- ther damage American stand- ing in the world. These are not just trade Is- sues, of course. They concern the political relationships be- tween nations. The U.S. was from the beginning or.e of the firmest supporters the Euro- pean Common Market and of British membership of it, since in the American view this would make a significant con- tribution to world peace. That unification of Europe is now being achieved and the Ameri- cans are having some mis- givings. Similarly, the Ameri- cans have long been encour- aging Japan to stand on her own feet more. The fact that tin's can hurt American inter- ests is giving the United States misgivings there too. There are certainly emotive issues in plenty to feed the fires of a trade war between the United States and its 'trad- ing partners. The task of thi> Geneva conference on textile quotas is to head off that crisis before it really gets going. The signs are that all the parties in- volved realize that a peace for- mula must be found and soon. (Written for The Herald and The Observer, London) Dave Humphreys Pros And Cons Of Arms Sale To South Africa (First of two articles) T ONDON The Tories are in power and Sir Alec Douglas-Home is back hi con- trol at the Foreign and Com- monwealth office. That is the essential mes- sage for the world in the pres- ent unpleasantness over Sir Alec's intention to sell arms to South Africa. Anyone familiar with Tory thinking will expect fundamental changes in some aspects of foreign and defence policies. The last ringing dec- laration of the late chancellor of the exchequer, Iain Mao leod' will be seen to apply to international issues no less Ulan internal policies. Almost the last words Mr. Macleod left in the Commons were to the effect that the country had elected a majority of Tory men and women. "They now expect Tory mea- sures and they will get them." It is unfortunate that the new government's first test in inter- national policy should have come on the arms issue. South Africa is so wrapped in cant and emotion in this country, as the Commons debate illus- trated again, that it is almost impossible to discuss any poli- cies relating to South Africa with reason and on pure merit. The government has been surprised and disturbed hy the extent of opposition and bitter- ness at home and abroad lo the slow unveiling of its well- known intention to reconsider the Labor government's total embargo on arms shipments of all kinds to the Vorsler regime. It is precisely this sur- prise which is now so disturb- ing, raising as it does some doubt about Tory thinking. It may be questioned wheth- er the Tories realize how much the world has changed even since they left office in 1964 and whether agreements reached in conditions in 1955 apply equally in 1970. When all the steam clears, the question of arms sales and the Simonstown agreement is fundamentally one of Britain's roles in the world today and to- morrow. Directly related to that is the question of how Brit- ain's limited resources for de- fence should be deployed. The Labor government's poli- cies were intended to build "a more credible aid realistic position in world affairs." Ac- cording to Labor, Tory leaders had failed to come "to terms with the modern world. No tenet of Labor policy was held so passionately as the threat to peace posed by the division of the world along racial lines. The Vorster regime was the hated symbol of the evils of racialism. No opportunity was Letters To The Editor Appreciation I would like to express my appreciation for the article by Jim Wilson in your paper of July 25. Opinions like these (and the underlying observations) are a credit to your paper and a de- vice to make your readers aware of the real problems underlying the increasing un- rest among the younger gener- ation. JOHN SCHUYFF, Asst. Prof., Economics, University of Lethbridge. Open-Mindedness 1 would like to compliment The Lethbridge Herald for its open-mindedness in publishing Jim Wilson's "If You Ask Me" column in the July 25 edition. It voiced an opinion that lakes courage to express today. My thanks and support go to Mr. Wilson and The Lethbridge Herald. KATHRYN YAMASHITA. Lethbridge. missed to condemn apartheid in the 'strongest and bitterest terms. The Conservalives never accepted that' Labor foreign policy was.either credible OP realistic. They pledged them- selves during their years of opposition to reverse Labor de- cisions to withdraw forces from the Far East, to disband the territorial army and to em- bargo all arms to South Africa. To the Tories these were uni- lateral decisions, breaking promises to friendly govern- ments and risking Britain's se- curity. They announced that they would restore a presence east of Suez, salvage something of the territorial army and con- sider selling limited cate- gories of arms to South Africa. They would always preface their statements about South Africa with a ritual eondemna. tion of apartheid which, how- ever odious, must not stand in the way of Britain's security. The world racial conflict, if it even existed in Tory think- ing, enjoyed no prominence in their planning for government policy. The United Nations, as the forum for expression of racial conflict, was viewed quite differently. It was vir- tually the cornerstone of Labor foreign policy. The party boasted that only Britain was represented by a senior minister (Lord Caradon) at the UN with direct access lo the prime minister. The Tories pledged full but not uncritical support of (he UN. "We will seek lo build on ils successes and remedy its the Tory manifesto pledged. During the election cam- paign Prime Minister Edward Heath and Sir Alec sought to recall some of Britain's former glory. They appealed to the un- derstandable sense of national pride, damaged with Ihe econ- omic duress of Labor govern- ment. They spoke of the days under" previous Tory govern- ments, when Britain's voice was heard and respected in the councils of the world. Apart from generalities and a few specific proposals like the arms sales, the country has been waiting for policies on which to hang their images of future greatness. Notably since the election, Mr- Heath has picked, up the theme lhat this country need not be doomed to second-rate stalus. If Mr. Heath's premise is ac- cepted' then the policies of his government will be watched for signs of the road back. In- ternationally Ihe road must fol- low Sir Alec's leadership. And at the end of that road, it must be remembered, is that respect and prestige supposedly miss- ing in Ihe councils of fhe world. This helps to explain, all the emotion aside, why the sale of any arms whatever to South Africa is viewed with some trepidation. It is not clear that arms sales, however jus- tifiable on grounds of self-in- terest and defence, will in fact advance Britain's inter- ests in die world of today and tomorrow. Any advantages in terms of protection of shipping, of British interests in South Africa, or in defence against the Soviet navy, must be bal- anced against their disruptive influence in the Common- wealth and lire United Nations. The depth of feeling against the .sales in the Common- wealth is greater than the gov- ernment realized. (Herald London Bureau) LOOKING BACKWARD THROUGH THE HERALD 1920 Two oil wells were opened on city-owned pronerty in Los Angeles by Ihe July" 28lh earthquake and officials say they will be developed for the municipality. 1930 Extension of the pres- ent air mail service from Great Falls to Lethbridge was an- nounced in a news dispatch from Washington. 1910 German warplanes struck new blows on Britain's coast, taking an undisclosed number of civilian lives. Heavi- est hit were towns on the east, north and south coasts and the mouth of the Thames river. 1950 Furious rioting by _ thousands of anti Leopoldists "Broke out anew in Brussels. A state of seige was declared in the city of Liege. 19HO The Channel Tunnel Company announced it is pre- pared to accept virtually all financial responsibility for a tunnel linking England and France. The -new proposal was submitted to Hie British and French governments. The Lethbridge Herald 5W 7th St. S., .Lethbridge, Alberta LETHBRIDGE HERALD CO, LTD., Proprietors and Publishers Published 1905 1954, by Hon. W, A. BUCHANAN Second Class Mail Registration No. 0012 Member of The Canadian Press and Ihe Canadian Daily Newspaper Publishers' Association and the Audit Bureau of Circulalions CLEO W. MOWERS, Editor and Publisher THOMAS H. ADAMS, General Manager JOF BALLA WILLIAM HAY Managing Editor Associate Editor ROY- F. MILES t DOUGLAS K. WALKER Advertising Manager Editorial Page Editor "THE HERALD SERVES THE SOUTH"