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Lethbridge Herald, The (Newspaper) - July 29, 1971, Lethbridge, Alberta 4 THE tETHBRIDGE HERAID Thursday, July 29, 1971 Duve Humphreys Wilson takes strong anti-market stand The Alberlti election 6 The party and the man A few minutes should be taken to remind the voters of the political facts of a general election under the parliamentary system of government. "I vote for the man, not the it is frequently said. Or "I want the X party to form the government, but it should have a stronger opposition so I will vote for the Y candidate." While most voters like to have a strong, effective, qualified person rep- resenting them in the legislature, of perhaps greater importance to them is which party is in power. The X candidate may be a good spokesman for the constituency, but the Y party may give better government. And the Y party is the government not on merit or sympathy or any- thing else than a head-count in the legislature. That is why lesser candidates are frequently elected and greater can- didates defeated they belonged to parties that the voters wanted elected or defeated, or their parties had lead- ers the voters wanted to be premier or not to be premier. So while local representation is important, the voter has a prior ob- ligation to decide whether he wants a Conservative or a Social Credit gov- ernment, and he must vote according- Secondly, he cannot assume that either party will be the government and that he can afford the luxury of voting for the other party just to make sure there is a stronger opposi- tion. The opposition is an accident of elections. It cannot be deliberately created. It cannot be voted for TONDON: Former Prime Minister Harold Wilson and his colleagues in the Labor opposition havi> been engaging in a sorry spectacle of recrim- ination, denunciation and con- Iradiciion. Mr. Wilson's own words and actions of late have raised three great issues: the national interest, party unity and Mr. Wilson's leadership. The Labor party has been moving slowly into outright op- postion to joining the Common Market under a Conservative government. A substantial min- ority of Labor members of Par- liament perhaps 100 favor entry. A much smaller number are so passionately devoted to the cause that they are pre- pared to defy the leadership and vote with the government. All the big unions, the party's financial base, and many con- stituency associations, are op- posed to the Market. Faced with the dilemma, Mr. Wilson first acknowledged that the split existed and that there should be x "great open and honest. He himself in government professed to be in favor of joining on the right terms. V-ese right terms were never defined. Labor lost power last year and the Conservative government carried on the ne- gotiations opened by Mr. Wil- son and his colleagues. A month ago, the negotiations ended and the government brought back what it thought were highly favorable terms. Former Labor Chancellor of the Exchequer Roy Jenkins, deputy leader of the party, said they were good. So did Labor's chief negotiator, George Thom- son, Paymaster-General, Harold Lever and Foreign Secretary Michael Stewart. All four are committed Eu- ropeans. Their statements must be judged against the realization that they believe there is little alternative short of disaster to joining the Common Market. The government took a similar position when it warn- ed in its white paper: "No one can predict the consequences" of not going in. In fairness to Mi1. Wilson, he is better placed to make a dis- passionate evaluation of the terms than the passionate Eu- ropeans in either party. He was at first opposed, then be- came a convert, ostensibly af- ter an intellectual evaluation of the choices. Now he says the terms are so poor that he is against once more. He rests his case on the terms for New Zealand and the sugar-producing countries of the Commonwealth, even though the respective govern- ments have accepted them; and on the initial costs to the British economy of joining, which must be set against the benefits. The costs will begin to be felt in the first year off- setting them. The benefits are impossible to evaluate. The Whither plannin City council owes the citizens of Lethbridge an explanation of its re- jection Monday of the Interform Planning and Design Ltd. study of the central business district. The decision was clear-cut only three aldermen voted in favor of go- ing ahead with the plan to gather data on trends in downtown develop- ment so the city would be better pre- pared to take action to rejuvenate the business district. What needs clarification is how council could vote in favor of the study just a week previous during closed finance committee delibera- tions and then come up with a com- plete turn-about at Monday's council meeting. Council has given a clear impres- sion that it takes planning matters not too seriously. The aldermen's de- cision is, in fact, consistent with their demonstrated ability to disregard recommendations from the city plan- ners when it suits their purposes. The city will soon have its own full-time planner assigned to it from the Oldman River Regional Planning Commission. Perhaps it is time for council to stop trying to muddle through planning matters on the basis of personal opinions and hunch- es and listen more carefully to those who are trained in the field. Soviet stance on Sudan Witli the execution of Sudan's Com- munist chief Abdel Khalek Mah- goub, the absurdity of the political picture of the Arab world becomes starkly apparent. Nobody could have been more loyal to Moscow and Soviet-brand communism than the Sudanese leader. Yet the Soviet Union backed the regime that put their man to death. Westerners who persist in equating all left-wing revolutionaries with Communists cannot be anything but thoroughly confused by what has transpired in Sudan. Arab revolution- aries are generally strongly anti- Communist. Thus, with the threat of a Communist government in Sudan, Libya's President Colonel Muammar Qadhafy overcame his antipathy for General Gaafar al-Nimeiry and as- sisted in the counter-coup that re-es- tablished the general in power in Sudan. Both the colonel and the general are Arabists. They differ on the mat- ter of a political union which the ambitious Colonel Qadhafy aspires to lead. Arabism means different things throughout the Arab world but it rarely includes sympathy for com- munism. The hostility which is expressed to- ward communism makes the Soviet backing of the Arab states an anomaly. Russian economic support is accepted only because it is denied by the West. This means that the Soviet position in the Middle East is precarious. Moscow should be re- lieved that the Communist coup in Sudan was not successful because it saved having to make a choice be- tween a pro-Communist regime and the anti-Communist regimes. Events in Sudan, then, expose the absurdity of the Soviet stance. In order to stay in the picture, a loyal Communist like Mahgoub has to be allowed to go without intervention because a government was backed which is as suspicious of Moscow as of the West. fawag" rt'K The Leaning Tower of Asia government declines to spec- ulate. The present party warfare began during the special con- ference called by the party for the open, honest debate. It went well for the Europeans un'.il Mr. Wilson spoke. Fears that the big unions would succeed in forcing a vote prematurely were not realized. The attempt failed. The chairman called speakers from both sides, al- ternatively. Then Mr. Wilson delivered a totally unbalanced and negative speech, making clear, ahead of schedule, that he will lead the party in opposition to the cause the country and the world thought he supported. Nor did he, admittedly leading a split party, stop at coming down firmly on one side. He attacked his colleagues: "I reject the assertions, wher- ever' they may come from, that the terms this Conservative government have obtained are the terms the Labor govern- ment asked for, would have asked for, would have been bound to accept It is ir- responsible for anyone who knows the facts to assert other- wise." So much for the open and honest great debate. Un- daunted, if saddened, Mr. Jen- kins was faced with a personal dilemma. Should he resign as deputy leader or should he put that leadership in jeopardy by rallying the Marketeers, to the displeasure of Mr. Wilson and much of the labor movement? He chose the latter. Two days after the Wilson speech, Mr. Jenkins addressed himself to a meeting of Labor pro-Market MPs. He expressed his personal conviction that "a Labor cabinet would have ac- cepted these terms by a large majority." He warned desk thumping members: "If we do not go in, the results will be much worse than if we had never started on the enterprise, much worse for the economy, with a most damaging impact on our weak- est sector of industrial invest- ment, much worse for our friends abroad, much worse for the morale and organization of Europe and the West as a whole The opportunity if we lose it now will be gone for at least a decade and probably for a lifetime." Mr. Wilson hit back furiously the very next night. In a style reminiscent of John Diefenbak- er confronting his party rebels, he said that as long as he was leader "You will take my "lead- ership whether it is popu- lar or unpopular." Unlike Mr. Diefenbaker, he said his tactics should not be construed as a personal wish to remain leader at any cost. This veiled suggestion of resignation was presumably the big stick wielded to whip the recalci- trants into silence. First the leader of the party made life uncomfortable for a minority, then the deputy lead- er retaliated by making life un- happy for the leader. Both overplayed their hands. History may judge Mr. Wilson more harshly than Mr. Thomson, Mr. Stewart and Mr. Lever, who expressed their convictions in the belief that there is still room for convictions in the Labor party. Mr. Wilson throughout has stressed unity while seek- ing to maintain it in a curious way. IDs recent emphasis on the non-parliamentary sections of the party is in contrast to his attitude last autumn when he was insisting that the parlia- mentary party could never be bound by decisions of party conferences. The issue then was whether a future Labor government would repeal the Conservative Union Reform bill. Mr. Wil- son's record then should re- mind critics who now say he is being inconsistent on Europe. Presumably a leader who one month can say a union reform bill (Labor's in 1969) is essen- tial and scrap it the next, can also be for Europe one year and against ii the next. There is at least consistency in the inconsistency. Far more important than Mr. Wilson's personal problems, however, are the effects his decision will have on the coun- try. If the final vote in Octo- ber went strictly along party lines, without defections, the government might win by about 30 votes. But that is not large enough to carry such a history- making decision. Perhaps ten hard-core oppo- nents will defy Mr. Heath af- ter all the arm-twisting. He must have some Labor support, which becomes more difficult as Mr. Wilson becomes more vigorously hostile. The labor Marketeers will look to Mr., Jenkins for leadership. The question will be how many will join him in putting conviction ahead of party. Until then there is no question of party unity. (Herald London Bureau) Paul Whitelmv Bourassa leads his government in fateful decision OUEBEC CITY _ The Parti nr ANDY RUSSELL A morning's reflection JT was springtime here in southwest Alberta at the feet of the shining mountains; springtime in the Rockies is a sort of promise we nurture during the dying days of winter which cheers the soul. From my door I could see a hundred miles sweep of mountains still draped deep in snow. The first flush of new green was painting the lower hills and the delightful colors of spring flowers just barely touching the slopes. That morning at sun- rise I was wakened by birdsong from a spruce tree just outside the window. The pair of chipping sparrows that make their nest there every year were back and the male was trilling his beautifully delicate melody. There are cold-hearted scientists who say that a bird sings merely to signal and establish territorial claim to a nesting site, but I disagree. In the first place, wiu'le this is partly true, it can be by no means proved that a bird docs not know satisfac- tion and happiness, We humans have a tendency to assume certain attributes of living are only ours, a sort of patent right to things assumed to go with superior in- telligence. We tend to overlook too often the fact that other- warm-Wooded things, sharing tic paltcm of life on earth, can suffer, worry, be sad or experience such a flush of happiness it can only be ex- pressed by frolic or song. Certainly the little chipping sparrow's song could be simply dismissed as a signal that he was back to restake his claim to a former nesting site, but it seemed he was using an uncommon amount of enthu- siasm in the process. He was simply burst- ing with self-satisfaction. If he wasn't hap- py, he was certainly turning out a marve- lous bit of camouflage. His spirited rendi- tion was catching, and I felt good just listening to him. There were questions in ray mind. Where had he spent the winter? How far had this tiny one flown to get there and back? What adventures had he met along the way? What changes had he found on the face of the country he had crossed? Of course my questions go largely unanswered, but could we communicate, what a tremendous story he could tell things we can now only assume and imagine. Perhaps he wintered in the desert re- gions of Arizona or maybe in the rain for- est regions of Oregon or Washington. I re- call observing two of his kind in a gum- tree on the outskirts of the city of Santa Barbara in California. It was evening and memorable because there was a cock California quail standing on a limb thirty feet from the ground sounding his unique mating call in the same tree. When I later remarked to a lady who claimed to be a birdwatcher about seeing a quail in a tree, she looked at me rather sharply and said I must have seen something else. Quail, she staled, simply did not go in trees. Obviously there was one that had not got the word if that was so, but I kept the peace; and in case chipping sparrows did not winter there, I forgot to mention their presence. Wherever, the pajr in our spruce tree nave wintered, and regardless of the pos- sibility they might have shared a tree with a quail, they were safely back Obviously they were happy lo be here, and we were delighted to see them. QUEBEC CITY _ The Parti Quebecois may hold only seven seals in the Quebec na- tional assembly, but it certainly sounds in debate like the party that won 23 per cent of the pop- ular vote in the last Quebec general election. The hammered the point home during a marathon 50-hour debate over Premier Bourassa's James Bay hydro project that preceded the sum- mer adjournment of the legisla- ture. The seven openly-declared separatists in the 108-seat house were more prominent than the 17 deputies of the Union Na- tionale the official opposi- tior in opposing the Liber- als' plan to set up a separate corporation to administer the Letter to the editor development of the biffion scheme. The 13 Creditiste MNA's supported the govern- ment. With 72 seats, Mr. Bourassa got his way but not before men like Parti Quebecois MNA Robert Burns captured daily headlines in Quebec newspa- pers. The vote on the bill was 72-6. During the debate, the Liber- als introduced amendments to placate some of the opposition criticism, which centred on: The extent of the new corpor- ation's accountability to the na- tional assembly; The wide-ranging power that the corporation will have over municipal-type administration in the affected James Bay area; And, the limited role assign- ed to Hydro-Quebec, the pro- vincially-owned power com- pany, which will have a 51 per cent interest in the new corpor- ation. The fiercest criticism was re- served for the third point Hydro-Quebec's role in tile James Bay project. It showed once again that a deep-rooted nationalism pervades nearly every facet of Quebec life, and complicates what would fre- quently be non-problems in En- glish-speaking The Pequirtes, along with some men in the Union Na- tionale, see Mr. Bourassa's plans as a slight on Hydro, which is in the minds of many a symbol of tire new Quebec. The corporation is the largest The purpose of punitive power I mite in reference to Dr. Morley's article entitled "Crime and Punishment" July 24-71. I wish to add some personal observations which, I hope will give a slightly different perspective of the issue as posed by that eminent the individual from pursuing those proscribed acts. The society usually manifests a tendency to the contrary in exacting a maximum "pound of so that it "can tell good and state that justice has been it to the individual an attempting to ascertain whs will .notivate him to behave i a socially acceptable fashior we will merely be indulgin ourselves in an indiscriminate though sophisticated, applica of pain, both mental an In reading the scholarly these proscribed acts would vary somewhat, because it "makes u feel good to see a crimim ticle in question, I was to the particular for his crime." by the gnawing doubt that Dr. Morley was confusing "deterrence" with In dealing with crime, a society exercises the vast punitive power which is at its disposal. That power is exercised in both "deterrence" and but there is a very vital difference in the underlying motive for the application of pain on the individual. In the former, the society in question applies or threatens to apply pain on individuals who commit certain acts which that particular society has defined as unacceptable and consequently in question. An act, for instance, like abortion-on-de-mand, could be lawtul in one country like Japan, and unlawful in another like Canada. This, however, is not the issue as I see it. The issue is whether society should exact the minimum or maximum amount of pain out of individuals who have transgressed its mores If the society can maintain antisocial behavior by exacting a minimum amount of pain, what could be the justification for exceeding it? So long as we give priority to exacting the proper liberalization of pena codes has parallelled the deve opmenfc of the social sciences Perhaps we have not advancec sufficiently, that complete ei mmation of revenge in punish ment is not possible, but per haps the future holds more promise. Certainly, most of the refonns contemplated by oui present justice minister are worthy of support. They include both compensation to victims and the preservation of at leasl some of the rights of the criminal. After all, he is also a human being and a member of so-ciotv. scribed. The motive, no doubt, is to either prevent Uiat behavior, or at least keep it at punishment by correlating it to crime, rather than by PAUL KAZAKOFF. Lelhbndge. minimally acceptable level. In the latter, however, it is A NOTE TO the individual who is number of good recently had to be ed, but the emotions of omnipotent society. The for lack of identification. The Herald permits ihi> piibhcation of letters with pseudonymns provided docs not exact the also supply their address All ipHArc amount of pain necessitated to editing for length and good taste. business enterprise managed by French Canadians, and it operates almost exclusively in the French language. It also has an international reputation for teclmical proficiency, par- ticularly in the field of long distance power transmission. It is easy to see how Hyrfr Quebec has become a vehicle for nationalistic aspirations. Hydro was an issue in Hie 1962 Quebec election. At that time former Premier Jean Le- sage campaigned successfully with a slogan of "Maitres chez nous" "Masters in our own house" to nationalize all pri- vately-owned power companies and bring them under the con- trol of the public utility. The bitter tone of the debate that preceeded the summer re- cess was partly the govern- ment's own fault. Mr. Bourassa and his colleagues have given the impression that they are hedging on questions about a project that will financially commit the people of Quebec for many years to come. Presumably, the Parti Que-. becbis and the Union Nationale also wanted to log up some of the political mileage the gov- ernment has been getting from the scheme. Mr. Bourassa made the James Bay project more of a partisan political question than it normally might have been when he unveiled the plant at a well-managed rally of party stalwarts, rather than in the assembly. The premier put his political life on the line when he de- cided to go ahead with the damming of several rivers that flow into James Bay. If successful, Mr. Bourassa will be remembered as a vis- ionary who launched a develop- ment that created jobs during its ten-year construc- tion. If the venture doesn't pay off, Quebecers will have one of his- tory's most expensive white elephants producing enough electricity for four cities the size of Montreal. (Herald Quebec Bureau) Looking backward Through the Herald 1921 The Hon. William A s h m e a d Bartlett Burdett Coutis died today in London. His wife, the late Baroness Burdett Coutts was one of the heaviest stockholders in the Northwest Coal and Navigation Company, which helped build the foundations of modern Lethbridge. David Lloyd George, leader of the British Liberal party and former prime minister of Britain was oper- ated on successfully today for a liver ailment. 1MI A Oerman spokesman said today tha( Finland for her willingness to join in the fight against Russia and breaking relations with Britain would be exalted above all other Scandi- navian countries and have her territorial aspirations for a "greater Finland" recognized. 1951 A mechanic's strike over a union shop has halted Western Airlines normal flight operations for four day now. There is no sign of settlement. Turkey today laid be- fore the UN Security Council a compromise resolution calling for full compliance with last week's Tunisian ceasefire. The Lethbridge Herald 504 7lh St. S., Lethbridge, Alberta LETHBRIDGE HERALD CO. LTD., Proprietors and Publisher, Published 1905-1954, by Hon. W. A. BUCHANAN .OH JOB BALLA No. 0012 VIMI I'IAAJI MAV "THE HERAID SERVES THE SOUTH" ;