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Lethbridge Herald, The (Newspaper) - July 27, 1973, Lethbridge, Alberta 4 THI LETHMIDOf HIBAID Friday, July 27, 1973 EDITORIALS Free westerners won't be fenced in By Brace Hutchison, Herald special commentator New impetus The future history of Canada, in discussing Western feelings, will have at least a footnote on the One Prairie Province inquiry held on Lethbrtdge three years ago, and many pages on tne conference that concluded in Calgary yesterday. It was a most significant event. Was it successful? Of course It was. In what way? In getting such major governmental persons to lis- ten to each other. That is essential before intelligent revisions of policy can be made. The provinces weren't immediate- ly given everything they asked, but surely they didn't expect to be. The federal government is not answer- able only to the West. It must con- sider all its policies and actions in the national context. This was not a confrontation. It cannot be properly .appraised on the basis of "who won." Although there was some obvious politicking, the major participants seemed genuinely concerned for the problems before them, not on scoring political points. That there should have been so much common ground and common cause between one Progressive Con- servative and three New Democratic governments may have surprised some people, and it is a tribute to the honest, objective and pragmatic attitudes of each of them. It goes to show that circumstances, not' creeds, shape the course of govern- ment in a free society. The Calgary conference provided new impetus to the resolution of old problems. It ended nothing, but started much. French defiance Despite the ruling of the World Court and opposition from many gov- ernments, the French have started a series of nuclear tests in the South Pacific and intend to continue with them. The Gaullist newspaper La Na- tion in Paris said the criticism of the tests is "the height of international hypocrisy." It is true that the U.S., the U.S.S.R, and latterl} China, have engaged in nuclear testing and now have se- cured their defence. That defence con- sists not in the useableness of nu- clear weapons but in the deterrent effect of the appalling consequences of ever putting them into operation. Only the three major powers need such weapons to prevent a third world war; possession of nuclear weapons by lesser powers only complicate the picture and makes prevention less sure. France is protected by the U.S. nu- clear umbrella and thus does not need to develop its own weapons. The de- termination of the French to ig- nore this fact and defy world opin- ion is the sort of thing that reduces whatever sense of security exists in the present deterrent situation. Why shouldn't all the other second- rate powers or even third-rate pow- ers acquire modern that is, nu- clear weapons? Who would feel secure if Libya or Uganda to name a couple of nations possessed nu- clear weapons? For that matter, do French leaders inspire perfect con- fidence? The suspicion has always teen strong that the French persistence in nuclear testing is the result of being rankled by relegation to second- rate power status. Here is a way of forcing the big powers to take France into account. It is a petulant bit of politicking that would be amusing if the instruments involved were not so fearsome. RUSSELL BAKER Drunk, on words From the start the Nixon administration sought to present a self-portrait of sobriety and dullness suggesting pious drones full of gray but excellent earnestness. At the same time, however, it was talking and popularizing a language. More guadily out- rageous than any contrived in Washington since Franklin Roosevelt discovered the alphabet The odd thing, looking back, is that there was no hint in the 1968 campaign that these were men fascinated with language, drunk on words. The bask Nixon speech of 1968 contained only one attempt at music. It was that line about "the lift of a driv- ing dream." A driving dream? It sounded like an automobile commercial. With lift? Well, it is wasted energy to cavil at nonsense in talk, and nobody expected style from the Nixonians anyhow. "At that point in as Nixon men apparently always say when they mean no- body expected them to venture beyond the incomprehensible gragglegkwp of middle federatese which characterizes state papers and messages to congress. Very quickly, however, slogans began to fly. Kennedy had braced us with "Let as and Johnson -with "let us con- but the Nixonians were to make the ears throb with slogans. "Bring us togeth- er" and 'let use lower our voices" were among the first, although "law and or- der" had gone so well in the campaign that it "came on board" to stay until Water- gate rendered it indiscreet '-'Coming on was the way every- body started new jobs in Nixon's Washing- ton at that point in time. Once on board, of course, administration men were expect- ed to "maintain a low profile." The low profile was part of "the game plan." You came on board, maintained a low profile aad talked about ways to carry out the game plan.'This was called par- ticipating in "the input process If the administration's critics Liberal intellectuals." "cstablishmentar- complained that they could not understand the language, much less the name of the game, the Nixon men bad a standard rebuttal. "It will play in they said When the president complimented him- self on having created "peace with end sticklers for detail were saying, "Wen, yes, but be is still bombing a lot of peo- ple and the White House men said, "Maybe so. tart it will play in Peoria." Besides ite Peona-playmg peace with honor" stogjn the 1972 campaign also produced the undistinguished "four more years" and "Nixon's the the el- ection's most memorable slogan was Hen- ry Kissinger's "peace is at mean- ing, as events demonstrated, "we will still be bombing them in the summer of '73." "Watch what we do, not what we was John Mitchell's contribution to phrase- making early in the game plan. When the press took his advice, however, the vice president was summoned to Webster's un- abridged. the administration's most famous household word, in turn made a household word of "permissiveness" by elevating it to a sin of such grandeur that it now seems to transcend even pride and gluttony. As "bring us together" gave way to play- ing in Peoria, a new language of abuse entivenad political discourse, "nattering na- bobs of negativism" and "effete intellec- tual snobs" win survive in memory long after everyone has forgotten that they were merely people at odds with the govern- ment TV news people were said to have trafficked an "ideological plugola" and "elitist gossip." Cotaful stuff from earn- est nren. Even the president has shown a flair for tne tersely ungenerous statement, mem- orializing campus anti-war demonstrators as women guests at Washington dinner parties as "dogs" and large ports of the judiciary as "soft-beaded judges." Metaphorical excess is commonplace in all administrations, but this one has pro- duced two that may speak eloquently to generations yet unborn (L-BJ.-type rhe- toric) about the values of our time. the president's statement that the first Nasa moon mission was the greatest event sine' the creation. Two: tne declaration by Mr. Cofcon that he would walk over his grandmother for President Nixon. Euphemism flourishes in every govern- -mont. In this one it is rampant. Bombing is "protective reaction." Breaking and en- tering is "surreptitaous entry." Casing the joint to be burgled is called "a prelimin- ary vulnerability and feasibility study." Burglary's purpose is to enhance Daniel EllsJjerg's "prosecuteabihty" Reports of cnmnal activity among the faithful are withheld from John Mitchell in order to give him "deniability." When it comes to phrase-making, the ad- ministration's game plan seems to call for ultra high profile by everybody on board If it doesn't play in Peoria, it can only be because it is and who knows what that means, if anything? A brilliant new light, the lat- est of many, has pierced the eyes and inward imagination of Prime Minister Trudeau. At Vancouver, not long ago, he thus announced his dazzling dis- covery: "What I really, in these past few days, have begun to under- stand is that there is a different culture in the West than there is in central Canada, than there is in the Maritimes It is not a different civilization but certainly it is a different form of culture." How the word "culture" is in- terpreted by Mr. Trudeau, pos- sibly the most cultured man in Canada, I do not know because H can mean almost anything now-a-days, from the culture of the arts and sciences to the cul- tures of drugs, hippies and crime. It is also Impossible to know bow much of his real thoughts the prime minister has been re- vealing to tne West, or whether his recent philosophical mus- ings are intended less to im- prove the general culture than to distract the public from such crass and mundane questions as the price of groceries. uncultured men his discovery that the West is culturally quite different from the east must be surprising be- "But Rodney rumor has it that Ottawa did indeed convey our concern about their big tankers sailing our coast." Getting back to a balanced budget By Paul Whitelaw, Herald Washington commentator WASHINGTON The East Boom of the White House hard- ly bears a resemblance to the folksy meeting halls of funda- mentalist religious sects in the American south, but it was the locale for talk of "that old-time religion." The preacher was George Shultz, secretary of the trea- sury and if he looks more the Princton alumnus that he is than a Bible-thumping evan- gelist, his sermon topic was certainly a combination of fundamentalism and conserva- tive orthodoxy. The message, naturally, dealt with America's economic wel- fare rather than its moral well- being, but there was no indica- tion that Mr. Shultz was speak- ing with anything less than evangelical enthusiasm and commitment. "Our budget policy is for a return to that old-time religion balance the he told correspondents assembled in the East Room. Unveiling the Phase 4 econo- mic controls, Mr. Shultz said cutting "several billion dollars" from U.S. federal spending pro- jections for the current fiscal War fever in Chile By Timothy Ross, London Observer commentator SANTIAGO Civil war fev- er in Chile has been heighten- ed by an editorial in the right- wing dairy El Mercurio sug- gesting a parallel between Chile today and Indonesia in 1965 when the Sukarno govern- ment was overthrown and an estimated Communists and their sympathisers were slaughtered. "The economy was stabilized and order now said the paper on Jury 18, and it went on to suggest that sooner or later the same thing will occur in Chile. It ended with what pro-government papers claim to be direct incitement to the far Right to murder senior army officers, place the blame on the Left, and create the cli- mate for a military revolt Before President Salvador Al- knde took office tne assassina- tion of the popular General Rene Schneider was intended to produce this result. In the past few days the bombing of the homes of senior naval staff shows ihdt the ultra-right- ists are intensifying their at- tempts to break the non-politi- cal stance of the armed forces and push them into a new Ja- karta. All shades of the political spectrum are struggling for in- fluence within the army. The Popular Unity government is in- sisting on its constitutional rote as a neutral force. Tbe right- wing opposition parties are try- ing to convince toe array of the illegitimacy of the government The far Right is openly inciting officers to lead their men in a coup d'etat And the Movement of the Revolutionary Left is dis- tributing pamphlets with the slogans "Soldier, don't die for the bosses! Disobey the officers that incite to revolt! Fight side by side with the people So far the Chilean soldier has usually shown himself unmoved by pleas to take any but his traditional legal role, but the stresses of the Chilean road to socialism have begun to pene- trate the barracks With all factions aware of the import- ance of military backing if and when the confrontation is taken off tne front pages and onto the streets, the hearts and minds of privates to generals have be- come the new centre of the po- litical struggle. Books in brief "A Vision of Canada: Tbe McMkhad Canadian Collec- tion" by Pan! Dnval (Clarke. Srwia and Company Ltd., x 171 Any art lover who cannot visit the McMkhael collection of Canadian art at Kteinburg, Ontario should acquire this splendid book. Tne only draw- back is that it will induce a compelling desire to somehow get to Kleinburg to savor the art in its outstanding setting. In merely 20 years Robert and Signe McMichael have gathered more than 600 paint- ings and drawings (all of which are reproduced in small black and white panels at the back of the book) and housed them in a unique gallery in a lovely wooded area. Tbe Ontario gov- ernment now administers the collection and maintains the grounds wfafle the McMkhaels serve as unpaid cantors. Paul Duval tells this story and de- scribes the gallery and grounds in the introduction. Biographies and representa- tive work, in black and white and color, by 18 artists plus some Eskimo and West Coast Indian art make up the con- tent of the book. Paul Duyal, Canada's foremost art critic, has produced a worthy com- panion volume to his Four De- cades of last year. A. J. Gas- son, youngest member of the famous Group of Seven, has done a superb job of designing the book. DOUG WALKER year and balancing the bud- get will be a crucial factor in giving the new wage and price restrictions a chance to work. To Canadians watching their buying power shrink as infla- tion soars unchecked, Mr. Shultz's attempt to slow the eco- nomy by balancing the budget accompanied by wage-price controls will be watched with more than academic interest. A return to an actual bal- anced budget concept is a maj- or shift from the guideline Pres- ident Nixon had set out for the last few years the concept of a "fuU employment" budget. Under the new policy an- nounced by Mr. Shultz, the Nix- on administration win attempt to match government expendi- tures to real revenues. A "full employment" budget, the pre- vious goal of the administra- tion, attempts to limit expendi- tures to a level no higher than the revenues that would be collected were there "full em- ployment" in the nation. To cut spending by a large amount, Mr. Shultz conceded, "wffl be very tough. You can't do it just by creaming the de- fence budget." However, point- ing to a successful imposition of a ceiling for the 1973 fiscal year which ended June 90 the secretary insisted that budget austerity can be achiev- ed. The latest available budget arithmetic for fiscal 1973 shows that U.S. government spending was limited to billion. Yet, based on projections of reven- ue in a "fun employment eco- nomy." there was actually a budget deficit of some bil- lion. Tbe budgetary belt-tightening that Mr. Sbultz called for will require a spending cutback of about bflnon. from the pre- viously forecast "full employ- meat" budget of billion. A statement from President Nixon, released to correspon- dents attending the secretary's briefing, noted that "we must take as our goal the more am- bitious one of balancing the ac- tual budget" "When inflationary pressure is the president noted, "when we are forced to emergency controls to resist that pressure, when confidence in our management of our fis- cal affairs is low at home and abroad we cannot afford to lie by that minimum standard (a fuU employment The implication of a tougher budget policy and Mr. SbaMz used the word "tough" to describe his plans several times is that a balance of the real budget would produce an even bigger surplus in the full-employment budget. This is a development that many eco- nomists consider deflationary, although it also portends the possibility of recession. Mr. Shultz, however, is an economic conservative with a firm belief in the concept of balanced budgets, and his ref- erence to "that old-time reli-. gion" isn't a misleading indi- cation of his fervent commit- ment. The same certainly can't be said for the wage and price controls of Phase 4. If he looked somewhat sheepish as be outlined the new price-wage restrictions, corres- pondents at the White House briefing could easily under- stand. Mr. Shultz retains his basic opposition to a control- led economy, and be has ex- pressed Ms opinion repeatedly to the president. However, Mr. Nixon is con- vinced that the immediate anti- inflationary effect of wage- price restrictions evidenced by the mere 3.5 per cent infla- tion rate in 1972 when Phase 2 controls were in effect offsets any drawbacks. Not even in their most Utopi- an dreams would the president or his treasury secretary hope for last year's marginal infla- tion rate. But they are certain the new controls can keep in- flation below the level of nine per cent, projected annually, which has resulted from the ab- sence of restrictions in 1973. According to the economic blueprint explained by Mr. Shultz, the eventual lifting of controls would not result in the same inflationary spiral that followed the lifting of Phase 2. The exact duration of Phase 4 has not been revealed. But, by the time it is abolished, it is hoped that a balanced federal budget a conservative eco- nomic tenet so neglected that it is almost radical accompan- ied by tighter credit wffl take much of the inflationary germ out of the American economy. Economists and political leaders here are hardly agreed on the wisdom of the latest Nixon administration move in its continuing battle against in- flation. However, it is certain that Canada, faced wth an an- nual inflation rate of more than 10 per cent based on June pro- jections, has much to learn from the success or failure of the latest American experiment with a controlled economy. cause it comes so late from a man so late to avoid his electoral blunder last autumn. Besides, the discovery is still incomplete. Mr. Trudeau does not understand the West- ern culture and that is not in the least surprising when no one understands it, not even the natives. All we can say for sure is that the West does not seem to be what Mr. Trudeau or any- body else supposes. In legend the stereotype, the typical Westerner is a reckless, gambling fellow, an untamed individualist, the freest of free enterprises, the natural con- servative regardless of his party label, the sun-tanned denizen of broad plains and high mountains who rejects cramped urban life, stands in- dependently on his own feet and refuses to be fenced in. Yet this mythical being usu- ally inhabits a swarming city. This free enterpriser elects three socialist provincial gov- ernments. This conservative (except in Alberta) stands ideo- logically far to the left of the official Conservative Party. This individualistic gambler de- mands more state service and a more collective, communal society than those soft and ef- fete easterners are ready to ac- cept or pay for. No wonder that, like Her- nando Cortez, Mr. Trudeau gazes at the Pacific with a wild surmise, silent upon a peak in Burrard Inlet A culture that holds such a diversity of crea- tures, so many contradictions and, despite all its grievances, so much good fortune, must defy analysis even by the Great Canadian Philosopher. He only knows that if looks different. Well, that is at least the begin- ning of wisdom. From the begmning Mr. Trudeau has advanced another experimental step. He sees that if the West is diverse and con- tradictory it has one instinct in common among all its regions and instinct of un- limited growth, the notion that everything will be better if it is bigger, the oldest and deepest impulse of the little Western town determined to become a "metropolis. As the whole world has sud- denly begun to realize, that in- stinct is not only wrong but im- possible on a planet already overcrowded and short of life's necessities. In the boundless West of Canada, however, the old myth dies bard and perpet- ual growth is stiH generally de- sired and assumed, though not, I suspect, by Mr. Trudeau During an extraordinary in- terview with The Vancouver Sun, he observed that, as things were going now, most of Can- ada's people would soon live in three or four vast and dropsical urban jungles like New York or Tokyo. Vancouver, Winnipeg, Toronto and Montreal would be- come our Canadian versions of Hen on wheels (if there is enough gasoline to turn the wheels.) Rightly, Mr. Trudeau sees this prospect as sheer, clinical madness and he is determined to prevent it. Tf he can prevent k he will make himself the out- standing statesman of the age when an the blind, anonymous currents of modern society are moving in the opposite direc- tion, straight toward the ghastly megalopolis, like moths to the flame. How, then, does Mr. Trudeau plan to reverse the direction? Discussing the intimate social nightmare, already the point of no return in many na- tions, he says that "what people must understand is that if we just let the natural forces work this is what will happen. It win be more of what is going on now. Therefore, we have to set in motion political, social and economic forces to prevent that from happening It wffl mean intervening massively at federal, provincial and munici- pal levels in areas of growth and that's a bigger job, I think, than people are prepared to ad- mit" Yes, far bigger. Bigger, per- haps, man Mr. Trudeau or any government, and longer-lasting. But is it too big for the Cana- dian people West and east to understand and manage while there is stiU time, though not much? Around that question of growth, both in sensible volume and wise location, an our poli- tics win henceforth revolve, ff Mr. Trudean grasps tfeat fact at last he has made a good begin- Herald ____ Sw 7ft St S, teObndge, Afterta LETHBR1DGE HERALD CO. LTD., Proprietors and Pnbltotan PstolMbed 1905-1IS4, by Hon. W. A. BUCHANAN CMM MM ItagMrcrtoi He. VIS CWNMBM CWMJtftofl frt fta Av0ff Bfftwo tf OcnMflvMl CLCO W MOWCM, C4IW yuUMM THOMAS H. fMMVnm. MW90lt DON WILUAM MAY etfftOT MY f, OOUCLU 1C WAlKVt MMr THE HRAIO TME SOUTH" ;