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Lethbridge Herald, The (Newspaper) - January 20, 1972, Lethbridge, Alberta 4 THE LCTHIRIDGE HMALO Thundif, January 20, IJHTOItlYIS Pater Desbarats The soldiers return Ghana is now the 14th African country to come under direct mili- tary dictatorship. The new rulers and the ousted civilian government of Prime Minister Busia have one thing in common. They both blame former Prime Minister Nkrumah (who now lives in Guinea) for the economic dis- asters which necessitated, so they say, drastic political change. For three years the Busia govern- ment has had a go at pulling Ghana out of its economic morass to no avail. Mr. Busia had no charisma, the people were apathetic about him, he was unable to do anything to encourage international investment, or in general to cope with the mon- umental economic problems in h i s country. Western nations appeared indifferent to his problems. Prices mounted day by day, unemployment, at the time of the coup, was esti- mated to be 20 per cent, but the re- alities are that the percentage is much higher than that. So now Ghana, faces not only a bleak economic future but an oppres- sive political one as well. The new leader, Lt. Col. Acheampong calls his government a mixed military and civilian regime, known as the "re- demption" group. One can only hope that the name fits. at least econo- mically. Politically it is rule by force. Constitutional authority has been set aside. Ghana's parliament is no more. More repression and imprison- ment is almost certain to follow. The coup has solved nothing. Its immediate effect is a blow to those remaining African countries strug- gling valiantly to solve their difficul- ties by democratic means. It is a country that exchanged military rule for civilian rule and has now re- verted to military dictatorship another nail in the coffin of hopes of government for and by the people of Africa. Shivers in Sapporo The shivering noticeable in Sap- poro, Japan these days is not due to the weather; it comes about as a result of thinking about what Ayery Brundage, czar of the International Olympic Committee, might do to the 1972 Olympic Winter Games sched- uled for early February. He could very well make a shambles out of the ski competitions by insisting on his definition of amateurism and this, in turn, could reduce the number of spectators with serious financial losses resulting. Impatience with the stubborn at- tempt to maintain the fiction of ama- teurism grows with each passing year. Any hope that money can be kept out of the picture of athletic competition is vain. The costs of training and equipping athletes have to be borne by someone. If the indivi- dual does not have the money, he perforce must rely upon the lar- gesse of government, college, club, friends or business firm. The major- ity of individuals, in fact, are so subsidized and thus, strictly speak- ing, not amateurs. A showdown on the issue of ama- teurism is overdue. Mr. Brundage is trying to perpetuate a concept that is essentially snobbish. The only people who could qualify as true am- ateurs are those with the good for- tune to have been born into the chips and who can dip into the family funds rather than rely on outside assistance. Egalitarianism has ad- vanced on racial, sexual, political and economic fronts; now it is time for the sporting field to yield. With Avery Brundage about to re- tire from his position as head of the IOC it is conceivable that the Sap- poro games will be the last time that a distinction between "amateur" and "professional" will be attempted in international sporting events. Future events are likely to be "open" rather than "restricted" and then planning committees will not have to worry about attracting paying spectators who want to see the best. .Unfair adulation As Burns Day approaches once more, would it be blasphemous to suggest that these ethnic celebrations are being overworked? The Irish are a clannish race and entitled to take pride in the achieve- ments of distinguished sons of the Shamrock. But there were other great Canadian cattlemen George Lane, George Ross, John Ware and others. True, they did not found great meat -packing enterprises, but in most other ways they were just as distinguished. It seems unfair that Burns alone among them should be singled for annual adulation. Appreciation By Peter Hunt IF there is one word to sum up the shining splendor and vitality of true education in contrast with those deadly dull monsters, "the knowledge industry" on the one hand, and permissive sloth on the other, it is "appreciation." The gift of appreciation is born afresh In each bright baby entering the world, and, in my vocabulary, every baby is bright, unless, as is so often the case, war and starvation and slum misery blight, from the outset, the innocent' wonder of the child-mind; and even then, what inner "clouds of glory" move within we can only guess. Whatever formal education may achieve, it should always increase rather than de- crease the power of appreciation. That power implies an intensified sense of the simple and the sublime. It goes together with reverence and enthusiasm. Its enemy is cynicism. In the young, cynicism is a deadly thing. It sours, corrodes and final- ly creates a wasteland of the mind where winds, as cold as tombs, scour a dessicated moor on which the vultures of boredom prey on the fragments of decayed expe- rience. When schools, in the cause of effi- ciency and mass-manipulation, are run by careerists who favor integration into the state-run human factories which aim at producing a homogenized human product, cynicism, already nurtured by the lying advertiser, is encouraged rather than cured. The elemental gifts of life may be appre- ciated simply. Tragically, industrialism, with its roots in the Midas myth, has de- stroyed the gifts of nature in many places; its propagandists have sowed the seeds of cynicism, and luxury and surfeit have chill- ed the sense of wonder and adventure. All of us are poorer for toe depredations of technological modernity. And while there is a new appreciation of simple things like birds and snowflakes, sunrise and sunset, rivulets and brawn soil, pioneers' collages, stars and the sea, In a widespread reac- tion against the dull myth of progress, an antiseptic mnnagcrialism, arrayed In the garments of light, threatens wmclhlng far worse than pollution. The master-works of man trc sublime, with a different sort of complexity from that of world obsessed by fragmented problem-solving. To appreciate them is to share the experience of great minds at their height Paintings and poems, essays, novels and plays, symphonies and sonatas, magnificent cathedrals and great treatises, have, Indeed, to be studied with effort and care for adequate appreciation, but any unspoiled mind can appreciate these things to some extent. To cultivate true apprecia- tion of masterpieces and the truths they enshrine is a task for which any teacher might spend himself, but the mass-produc- tion can frustrate and em- bitler. Sterility in surroundings may stultify the simple vision. Many of the simple, human expressions of joy or solemnity, of pathos and pag- eantry, and of awareness of the continuity of the present with the past have disap- peared in the modem world, and the pro- cess of destruction goes on and on, absorb- ing whole populations inlo the sterile dance of death of that negation of the civilized city, megalopolis. Only a century ago, Tennyson' could write of the wild bells ringing across the snow; even in that in- dustrial period, some of the old, symbolic, simple things persisted among the "dark, Satanic mills." Today, the electronic buzzer sets the rhythm of our lives. Monasteries are scorned, older, historic buildings ara hated, and featureless mausoleums and air- conditioned test-tubes rise on all sides. Temples totter and machines abound. Notre Dame is threatened by an express- way, thousands of fine buildings crumble under the blows of wreckers' robots, and steel and concrete filing-cabinets replace them. Harvey Cox's marvellous 'secular city' is just around the corner. Here in this little prairie city, still blessed wilh some charming reminders of the past, one of the few public buildings with any archi- tectural pretensions, an historic landmark, Is facing the wrecker. The local univer- sity, set in the ageless coulees, a minia- ture multiversity, is a cold structure, de- void of Imaginative design. Is it any wonder that appreciation of tho simple and sublimo is difficult to find? We have destroyed the albatross of inspira- tion and dimncd the light that leads us through the dark. And we shall not go out from hence until we have paid Ihe last farthing. Saving Canadian business from itself (Sixth in a series) QTTAWA Canadians have been known as great wor- riers about the state of their nation but much of Uiis con- cern has been of the futile, band-wringing variety. Only v.ith difficulty has it been translated into a coherent intel- lectual response to a specific problem. The long debate about for- eign investment in Canada is a perfect illustration of this. When a Toronto accountant, Walter Gordon, raised the alarm in the '50s, Canadians were unable to make a rea- soned assessment of the prob- lem. Many of the basic facts were unknown. There was no litera- ture of economic nationalism. The intellectual community, led by ils economists, was un- able to lead the country in a rational discussion of the real issues. This is no longer line. The literature of economic na- tionalism in Canada today con- sists of hundreds, perhaps thousands of -books, pamphlets, speeches, academic studies, newspaper and magazine arti- cles, radio and television pro- grams, seminars and sions of all kinds. On this foun- dation, within a few weeks, the government will start to build a new policy on foreign invest- ment and ttie framework of a new industrial strategy. The creation of an intellec- tual Canadian perspective on foreign investment has been a long and difficult job. No one knows this better than Abra- ham Rotstein, a 42-year-old economist at the University of Toronto who has been in the thick of the fray since the early '60s. A founder of the Committee For an Independent Canada and the managing editor of the Canadian Forum, Rotstein a decade ago was one of the few economists who stood beside Walter Gordon as he faced an intellectual "wolf pack" (Rot- stein's phrase) led by Harry Johnson, a Canadian econom- ist teaching at the University of Chicago. One of Johnson's basic argu- ments, stated in his book The Canadian Quandary in 1964, WES that "nobody is as inde- pendent as a man who can af- ford lo pick up his own cheques." At that time, this was the dominant Canadian view and echoes of It continue to be heard, most recently in a television interview with Prime Minister Trudeau. "I don't think you can be- come more independent, as I think Harry Johnson has put It, by becoming said the Prime Minister. "Johnson spoke for the eco- nomics profession at that recalled Rotstein in a recent interview in Toronto, "But his position led to the surrealistic result that every time a Canadian company wai taken over by Americans, a Ca- nadian economist, if he follow- ed the logic of his discipline, had to get up and cheer." RoLslein's objection to the Johnson thesis was stated as soon as Johnson's book appear- ed, in a-review written for the Canadian Forum in 1964. "Apart from the novelty of the suggestion that a state should pursue a policy geared lo its own wrote Rotstein, "It is difficult to see how a future generation in pos- session of its own economy would be less free than a gen- eration whose economy is inte- grated. "Jt is a policy of interven- tion, it seems to me, which In- creases freedom and laissez fairs which limits it." But it was on? thing to call for a "policy of Intervention" and another, more difficult thing to justify it intellectual- ly, particularly at a time when, in Hotstein's words, "the the- oretical framework of Cana- dian economics was a her- metically sealed box in which there was DO way to give ex- pression within the discipline to- the eommonsense concern that the country was being taken over, and rapidly." As Kotstein look: back on the debate today, the new eco- nomics of Canadian indepen- dence arose from the intellec- tual definition of three points; 1. The focus of decision mak- ing. "If you define indepen- dence as the power to take de- cision in your own interest, them the major complaint against foreign ownership is that it shifts the focus of de- cision-making power. "The Johnson economists al- "Mom Cameron's put his tongue on the iron railing ways said that the question of who makes the decision, md where the decision is mefe, doesn't belong in Well, we had to break and say that's the very -lem, and your discipline hu no way of catching hold ct it." 2. The multinational cor- poration. "In the course of the Watklns task force in 1967, m realized for the first tune ttiit what we had always regarded as a kind of inbred, myopic, bilateral little affair between Canada and the United was real and it struck us like thunderclap the local mani- festation of a global explosion of American corporations. "The issue of foreign Invert- ment wasn't a narrow littto thing between Canada and the United States. In relation to the explosion of multi-national corporations, Canada was the Dew line for the rest of the world." 3. Control rather than buy back. "In 1970 a book by a Swedish economist was pub- lished in Canada. Gunnar Adler Karlsson said that gov- ernments could forget about nationalizing foreign Industries because it wasn't important who owned the title. The real question was to what extent the government could control tfaeee industries. "This provided a theoretical basis for a screening agency to control foreign investment." As the theoretical debate be- came more elaborate, It inevitable that the new eco- nomics of Canadian indepen- dence would itself commenci to dive into various "schools." The conflict within the move- ment today, in very general outline, is between a radical school, personified by Mel Wat- kins, which states that eco- nomic nationalism without so- cialism is futile, and a more conservative group which calls for a "common front" ap- proach to the question of for- eign investment. The parallels with conflicts within Quebec nationalism are easily drawn but, unfortunate- ly, outside the scope of this article. "The paradox said Rotstein, "is that people like myself, who Have no particular sympathy for Canadian busi- ness are now engaged in the exercise of trying to save Ca- nadian business despite itself. "The only hope of the coun- try now is to set aside ideologi- cal tensions about socialism and capitalism and to begin to restore a Canadian sector of our own economy. We can de- cide later how we're going to cut the pie up." (Toronto Star Syndicate) Suzanne Cronje Nkrumah remembered in new takeover in Ghana During a recent visit to London, Mr. J. H. Mensah finance minister in tne Ghanaian government which has just been over- thrown explained that he had no intention of imposing any import restrictions since such a move would create po- litical instability: "As soon as queues for sugar formed under Nkrumah his political life was finished." Now Mr. Mensah's political life seems finished like that of Dr. Kofi Busia, the prime minister. The statement by Ghana's new military rulers dismissing Dr. Busia from office after the coup accused him among other things of economic misman- agement. Perhaps his govern- ment should have imposed im- port restrictions, if not on sug- ar then at least on luxury goods. There is no doubt that Ghana is in worse economic trouble than ever before, even in Nkrumah's day. Some of these difficulties were clearly not of Dr. Busia's making. For instance, he is not responsible for the fact that the world price of cocoa Ghana's principal export is the lowest for six years. Ghana's cocoa earnings in 1971 were million less than in 1970. But this is only a drop in the ocean compared with the foreign debt of over mil- lion w h i c h this smallish West African country has accumu- lated over the years. Dr. Nkrumah's successors Letter to the editor have said from the moment they replaced him that this burden was the legacy of his extravagance. While this was undoubtedly true for a time it is no longer so. Today, the pay- ments on commercial credits and short-term loans are the most urgent problem. The 48 per cent devaluation of Ghana's currency, the cedi, at the end of December was un- likely to provide any answer: external debts have to be re- paid in foreign currency. Devaluation meant that the government would have had to find more cedis to meet its ob- ligations. Almost the only group to benefit from the dras- tic step were the wellrto-do cocoa farmers who were to re- ceive an increased cedi price for their product. Since Dr. Busia's main support came from the cocoa areas in Ashanti he presumably expect- ed devaluation to do him little political damage. But he may have underestimated the effect on the towns which rely to a large extent on imported goods. A 48 per cent devalua- tion was bound to result in a hefty increase in the price of all imported goods including sugar. Civil servants were ticularly resentful because of the cut in their allowances an- nounced in the last budget. While there has been little increase in salaries during the last six years, 1971 alone saw a 35 per cent rise in the cost of living, which is now twice as Police protection I wish to take this opportun- ity to express my personal and public appreciation for the work the Taber Police Force did re- cently. It was fast, work. Late one night, my business promises at Lethbridge was broken into and a one-half ton truck, which was locked in the shop, was stolen. Apparently wilhiii an hour this It-nek stopped in Tabor by the Tnhnr police the "drivers" lakon into custody and my truck safely put in the Taber police station oarage ready for me to pick up Bie next day. The entire drama took place while I was sleeping. This is police protection protection which we citizens ore inclined to take so much for granted. My sincere thanks to the Tnh- cr force. JAMES A, NOllRIE. high as it was in 1966, the year Nkrumah was thrown out of of- fice. Doubtless this factor con- tributed to the widespread feel- ing that the Nkrumah era was much better. There was a re- vival of Nkrumahism last year which forced the Busia govern- ment in August to rush through a law providing five-year jail sentences for anyone promot- ing the restoration of the for- mer leader. Even the display of his photograph became a criminal offence. The wide psychological im- pact of this measure was rein- forced by another piece of leg- islation which outlawed the Ghanaian Trade Union Con- gress, despite the fact that it had already shed Ihe radical- ism of Nkrumah's days and was led by a moderate, even right-wing, secretary. The working population in Ghana today grew up in the Nkruma'h era and has not for- gotten the charismatic leader who led Africa in Indepen- dence. His international stand- ing and the visible progress which Ghana was making in the years after independence are firmly embedded in many people's memory. The modern harbor at Tema, the alumin- ium smelting plant and the Volta dam electricity scheme are still there as evidence of his achievements. So are the schools that were built and the rapid strides made during those years in education. By contrast, the memory of the corruption under his re- gime, the mismanagement and political oppression have faded. In any case, many Ghanaians say including the new military the excesses of the Busia regime equalled if they did not exceed those of the Nkrumah adminis- tration. At least Nkrumah had something to offer in return: inspiration. The Susie govern- menl's main fault was that it was so negative. He and his ministers were against many things and for nothing In par- ticular. His pnrty's political creed was anll-Nknimoliism. For instance, when it abolish, etl the TUC last year the gov- ernment argued that the orj ganization was an illegal in- stitution because of its past association with Nkrumah's party. The labor minister said that it bad "continued to exist by oversight" A year ago, when one of the opposition parties attracted large crowds in a protest against British arms sales to South Africa, Dr. Busia's rul- ing party, wishing to demon- strate popular support for him, held a rally of its own. This attracted only a few hundred supporters perhaps because its banner "Down with So- cialism" was too negative an answer for people in search of an ideological panacea. Instead of holding out a phil- osophical guideline Dr. Busia mounted a campaign against "indiscipline" which took him up and down the country appealing to civil servants, spiritualists, workers and housewives to dedicate them- selves to "order." He did noth- ing to cater to Ghana's na- tionalist pride, nothing that could have reconciled people to put up with economic hard- ships. Will the colonels who have taken over offer any sort ot political inspiration? Won't they have to rely on the same civil servants who advised Busia on economic matters? The National Liberation Com- mittee those officers who overthrew Nitrumah was not conspicuously successful. While claiming that its first aim was to stamp out corruption, its leader, Genera] Ankrah, had to retire when he was found to have been mixed up with ille- gal deals. The NLC also had to devalue, but only by five per cent, and it did keep its prom- ise to hand over to civilians. The return of the army might have been more difficult if the Busia government had been truly popular but the pre- sent coup poses a question of whether any army which has tasted power can ever be re- lied on to subjugate its own wishes to those of civilian poli- ticians. In Africa now Sierra Leone remains the only excep- tion to the rule that a military coup does irreversible harm to a country's political system. (Written for The Herald and The Observer, London) Looking backward THROUGH THE HERALD bouts in Cleve- land under a new ruling will be for men only or for women only. "In no the mayor said, "will a bout be permit- ted before a crowd of both men and women." housing single un- employed in the camp at the fair grounds, instead of issuing meal tickets, the city makes saving of a monlh. 1942 Any trophies of the First Great War which are lying around Lethbridge will probably be turned into scrap tor new weapons for the Sec- ond Great War. The IODE and the Army and Navy Veterans have signified their willingness to turn over a 105 mm. The Letttbndge Herald 504 7th St. S., Lethbridge, Alberta LETHBRIDGE HERALD TO. LTD., Proprietors and Publisheri Published J905 1954, by Hon. W. A. BUCHANAN Second Clan Mill Registration No 0011 and fnt Auall Bureau of CJrculaJIcn THOMAS H. DON PILLING Managing ed'ior ROY F MILES Advirming e S, General Manager WILLIAM HAY .Associate Eriiinr DOUGLAS K WALKED, Edllorllf P.g. Editor "THE HERALD SERVES THE SOUTH ;