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Lethbridge Herald (Newspaper) - January 11, 1971, Lethbridge, Alberta Misery in Havana Christmas 1970 in Havana was just like any other day in Fidel's communist paradise. It meant hours of back - breaking labor in the cane fields, standing in long lines for the dreary food available, coming home to a crowded apartment where the plumbing had probably long since ceased to work, where the unavailability of light bulbs forced you to read - if you weren't too exhausted -by candlelight. Your tired wife who'd been whacking at the sugar too, tried desperately to wash the tired, also rationed, clothes you'd been sweating in all day, with the remaining bar of something the government calls soap. If you'd been thoughtful you could have bought one small toy and one large one for each of your children; if you hadn't, they would have nothing because you had forgotten to put your name down on a reserve list weeks ahead. Dr. Castro has decreed that it will be Christmas in July for all Cubans. When the harvest is over they can celebrate Christmas, New Years and harvest hofe in one whopping joyous day off. As everybody in Cuba knows, last year's sugar harvest was set at 10 million tons and to achieve the quota everyone, including housewives and foreign diplomats got into the act. The harvest netted only eight and one-half million tons. This year Fidel has set a more realistic goal of seven million. A Toronto Daily Star staffer, Wayne Edmonstone, who went to Cuba very recently, and who had also been there a year ago, was appalled at the rapid deterioration in urban life. Lack of medical care, shortage of food, crumbling houses, disinterest and discouragement met him everywhere this year, where before there had been enthusiasm, cheerful acceptance of the need to put up with some deprivation to create a rosier future predicted by Dr. Castro Mr. Edmonstone says that "it may well be that Fidel Castro is correct to ignore the needs of the urban residents of Havana in order to gain and maintain the undoubted support he has from the peasants in the countryside he has tried so hard to develop. But if a city and its people can visibly alter as much as I have seen this one alter over the past three years it could also mean that the 'maximum leader' is making a potentially costly mistake." Trying to warm up the revolutionary spirit is as difficult as getting the family to accept cold turkey with gravy five days after Christmas. The Belgian split After years of wrangling, the Belgian parliament has revised its constitution in a way which it hopes will solve the economic and language problems of that culturally divided country of nearly 10 million. The seeds of discontent were sown 140 years ago when the leaders of the revolt against the Dutch King William I seceded from the Netherlands and wrote the first Belgian constitution which they based on the highly centralized French model. For the first century of independence, Belgium was dominated by the French speaking Walloons, who formed the country's economic and cultural elite. The Dutch speaking Flemings of the North, felt themselves deprived because industry and commerce tended to be the prerogative of the Walloons, who also formed the largest proportion of the population. But times have changed since the end of the Second World War. Nowadays Flanders is industrially powerful and comprises 60 per cent of the total population. The Flemish people have been demanding official recognition of their language and an end to what they believe is domination by French speaking elements. The parliament of Belgium, reluctant to introduce any measures which might officially divide the country, has come up with a compromise solution. The country will be divided into four regions, following linguistic lines. The two main regions will be Dutch speaking northern Flanders, and French speaking Wallonia in the south. The Brussels area is to be bilingual and there will be a fourth small region to provide for a small 50,000 strong German minority. Both Flanders and Wallonia will have a high degree of cultural and economic autonomy, and each will be represented in the federal parliament, whose members will be divided into "sub-nationalities." The new constitution stops just short of outright federalism. It has been hailed by many observers as a big step forward in solving the bitter race and language disputes which have so long divided the country. But it does not satisfy the die-hards on either side, who want nothing short of separate countries for the Walloons and the Flemish. It is a compromise, an answer which can only be regarded as temporary, until the passage of time proves otherwise. The federal government has been weakened, the divi s i v e elements strengthened, a quasi-solution which is more likely to split the country in two-eventually. Art Buchwald WASHINGTON - The great minds of the cigarette and advertising industries are hard at work trying to figure out ways of publicizing cigarettes on television now that cigarette commercials have been banned. The tobacco companies are already going ahead with plans to sponsor automobile races, bowling tournaments, tennis matches and other sporting events. There is a rumor that pipe tobacco, which is not banned, will be sold in packages bearing a startling resemblance to cigarette packages. I recently attended a brainstorming session at an advertising agency where they were discussing other methods of getting cigarette advertising across. The head of Creative Projects said, "I think we have an idea. We could sponsor a documentary on Winston Churchill titled, 'Winston Ruled Good, Like a Prime Minister Should.' English teachers all over the country will complain about the title and so, at the beginning of the show, we could show members of British Parliament asking whether people wanted good grammar or good taste in their documentaries." "I like it," said the president of the advertising agency. "What else have got?" The TV department director said, sketched out a western series titled Marlboro Country. The hero is a rancher, Ben Marlboro, with a tattoo on his hand. Ben has two sons named Phillip and Morris who help their father on the ranch. "There is also a midget, named Johnny, who works around the house as a hand. Every time there is any trouble, Ben tells Johnny, "Call for Phillip and Morns." "I like it," said the president of the agency. "Here's another TV serier that might work," said the agency time buyer, called Lucky Strike, and it's about a Dave Humphreys Who is responsible for Commonwealth? T ONDON: The British gov-ernment's proposed sale of arms to South Africa has presented many occasions for loose talk about the "break - up of the Commonwealth." That is unfortunate because it is imprecise and rather misses the point. What is at stake is the future of the Commonwealth as a political institution. The question raised, by no means for the first time, by the arms-sale issue is whether there is a future for a political organization Unking the industrialized and the developing count ties. There can be no doubt about the need. But its fulfilment is forever being interrupted by crises in the broad field of race relations. There is really no question of the Commonwealth's cultural cooperation, founded on common use of the English language and traditions, disappearing o v e r-night because of political differences. Even in these fields the organization suffers from ignorance among member countries. "I would guess that you could list on the fingers of your two hands," Secretary General Arnold Smith said recently, "the number of people in each Commonwealth country who appreciate how fundamental and how we "We 'It's man who chills for oil in Texas. Every time he hits a well, he shouts, 'Lucky strike means fine depletion." "I like it," said the president of the agency. The head of research said, "We've found that the TV shows that young people watch the most have animals in them. Now our people have come up with a surefire series titled Camels Aren't for Everybody. This is a story of a man who owns a restless camel that keeps running away. "Every week the man takes a mile long walk looking for his camel. Along the way he has all sorts of humorous adventures, but at the end of the program he always finds his camel." "I like it," the president of the agency said. The head of the TV department said, "We also have a Mission Impossible-type series on the drawing boards titled. You Can Take Salem Out of the Country. It's about a guy named Harry Salem who works for a patriotic organization known as SMOKE. Harry goes all over the world saving the United States from evil. At the end of each show, his boss says to his secretary, 'Ycu can take Salem out of the country, but you can't take the country out of Salem.'" "I like it," said the president of the agency, "Anything else?" The head of media said, "We have a comedy series about two tall basketball players named Benson and Hedges. They've each scored 100 points in a game so everyone refers to them as Benson and Hedges 100's. The funny thing is they're so long they keep getting stuck In elevators and closets and taxi cabs and sewers. They always get into mischief and the president of the university wants to expel them. Ha keeps saying all the time, "Oh, the disadvantages of Benson and Hedges." "I like it," said the president of the asency. "Send in Kent to put it all together." (Tarouto Telegram Newt Service) useful co - operation between member states and their people - on the political, the administrative, the functional and the professional level-is today By far the greatest contribution, Mr. Smith believes, can be in political consultation and activity. The Commonwealth is increasingly relevant, he said in his report for the heads of government meeting in Singapore this month, precisely because the major problems of world politics, and, if mishandled, the major dangers, lie in the area of race relations and between the rich and poor countries. Mr. Smith believes it is significant that 34 French-speaking countries, also bridging the rich - poor gap, formed La Francophonie during 1969 for cultural co-operation. As constituted, La Francophonie is not likely to face the strains of a racial, political issue because its co-operation is nan - political, if therefore less meaningful. But Mr. Smith believes also that, because the need exists, La Francophonie may well develop Commonwealth - style political consultations. Apart from tiny Mauritius, Canada is the oniy member of both organizations and may, as a result, play a special role not only as a bridge but as a bridge between bridges. Whether or not the Commonwealth rises to the political challenges will depend on the vision and political will of member governments in Mr. Smith's judgment. If the political machinery were to seize up in Singapore and be left to rust, there are lots of people everywhere in the Commonwealth ready to heap blame upon Prime Minister Edward Heath. It takes more than British intransigence to break up the Commonwealth, even t h o u gh there would be few mourners in the Tory party today. Opinion in the party ranges from MP John Biffen's quip, "The UN jostles the Common wealth for which shall be the greater farce," to MP Nicholas Scott's hopeful remark that the Commonwealth is still the world's greatest hope of avoiding a conflict along racial lines. Unhappily, Mr. Biffen may be the more typical. He reflects what Mr. Smith considers to be a cyclical view through British history of the colonies as millstones around the mother country's neck. Only now they are impertinent young and wayward nations. This is where both Canada and the Black African nations come in. Is Canada about to embark on a new form of active leadership rather than pas- "Relax, we're watching the schedule!" slve membership? And are the Black Africans prepared to temper their impatience? They, as much as Britain, will be called upon to view their policies in a world context. The attitudes of Canada and the Black Africans will be as decisive as the attitude of the present British government. Hopeful suggestions are now being made in London that Prime Minister Trudeau has seen the light. The unhappy memories of January, 1969, are still clear. Mr. Trudeau was at best true to his word that he would only listen to the proceedings. He did not, therefore, establish himself as a strong Commonwealth leader, or even a leader vi'.th great faith in the Commonwealth. But now, it is noted, Mr. Trudeau is behaving in a role more consistent with the St. Laurent-Pearson mould of Commonwealth statesmanship. He had successful meetings with the prime ministers of New Zealand and Singapore. And his recent attempt to resolve the arms dispute has been warmly applauded. If this foreshadows Ottawa's Commonwealth pol i c y then The Times of London may yet be proven innaccurate in its conclusion that "Canadian feelings for the Commonwealth are not strong at best." Canada's opportunity may be immense. If, as many secretariat minds believe, it would be "folly" not to capitalize on the existing foundation, then it would be criminal folly for Canada not to recognize and use its special position. The need is for more than mediation. Money is a more constructive demonstration of faith in the future. Mr. Smith thinks it is high time that the Commonwealth, through the secretariat, developed a multilateral aid program. At Singapore he will be pressing the view that member countries should earmark one per cent of their aid programs for this purpose. For Canada that would mean a contribution of $4 million instead of $200,000 annually. In an interview before completing his term as deputy secretary - general, A. L. Adu of Ghana said it would be a great pity if the cause of specific aid projects is sidetracked by the arms issue at Singapore. He agreed^ that the Commonwealth, while committed in principle to co - operative aid projects, had been preoccupied for five years with the color question, Britain no less than for the Black African states. During these years Commonwealth immigration mushroomed into the most volatile of all political issues and contributed to mounting anti-Commonwealth feeling. Little was accompl i s h e d on the color problem, Mr. Adu said simply because no country was willing to do anything about it. "We ought to study the question of race in the Commonwealth," he suggested. Immigration was merely the manifestation of another problem, unrest in the native countries. If a man is happy at home, he doesn't move. There was need for a thorough study of the factors of migration. He personally illustrated one of tfee great problems of con-ducting political activities across the color bridge. He was very annoyed by the patronizing attitude of whites towards the blacks' ability to govern themselves. He referred to the brief con-troversy over Mauritius granting "fishing rights" to Soviet trawlers. "If a few Russi a n trawlers in Mauritius and a Chinese work fo! rv. in Tanzania can sweep away hundreds of years of British activity and resulting structures, then you ought to be asking yourselves whether the system is worth keeping." Nobody had suggested that because the British maintained a base at Mombasa, Kenya was in danger of returning to colony status. He thought the controversy had been stirred up in Britain deliberately to fan the anti - Commonwealth fire. Yet to put the color problem into its complex perspective it must be realized that the secretariat itself glories in its assistance to the developing countries. If the Commonwealth can take pride in the secretariat's expert assistance to Mauritius in negotiations with major oil companies, cannot whites be forgiven if they question whether Mauritius might also be deficient in the talents of sophisticated diplomacy? Though this example is accurate, there is no thought of singling out Mauritius. The same might also be asked of Botswana, which received welcomed assistance from British and Canadian mining experts and from the secretariat when it sought to formulate policy for exploitation of diamond and copper deposits, or of Zambia where the CNR is helping to run the railway. It is surely no criticism of a poor, undeveloped country that it lacks the expertise of Canada or Britain. The criticism is better founded if, having accepted such assistance, it refuses to acknowledge that the older, developed countries might also nave well-founded national policies. The burden of responsibility for the Commonwealth is thus Mr. Kaunda's as much as it is Mr. Trudeau's or Mr. Heath's. But if only because they are from the rich and experienced countries, the Commonwealth must look to Mr. Trudeau and Mr. Heath for the greater measure of leadership, wisdom, forbearance and, above all, understanding. (Herald London Bureau) Anthony Westell Will a third face of Trudeau appear in 1971? /�yiTAWA - "The power of government rests on a psychological disposition on most people's part to believe that it is good to obey and bad to disobey," Pierre Trudeau wrote a decade ago. "Why is this belief so universal? Partly because the majority seek only their own comfort and pleasure; when these ends are assured, they ask no more than to conform to a given social order and to obey political masters." Prime Minister Trudeau rediscovered in 1970 the frightening truth of Professor Trudeau's analysis of human nature in politics. He found that the harsher his leadership and policies, the higher he rose in the polls, because people value order over freedom and submit to strength. Elected as a civil libertarian dedicated to enlarging individual freedom, Trudeau met the crisis in Quebec by suspending liberty and curtailing rights. Hailed as a technocrat and as the first truly modern political leader in the western world, he employed the oldest and most blunt economic weapons to fight inflation and led the country into cruel unemployment. Another political leader stumbling into such contradictions would have suffered huge disenchantment. Trudeau managed instead to change his rhetoric to match his actions. Those who objected to repression were bleeding hearts, and the growth of unemployment and hardship was not a failure of management but a bold policy. Trudeau in 1970 promised to presewe the old order in a time of crisis and demanded obedience in return. The price of security, he said, was disci- pline, and the people responded even wore readily than he might have expected. It is hard now to remember that Trudeau was elected in 1968 as an expression of the politics of youth and joy and optimism. The criticism of him then was that there was too much kissing and not enough political content, that he was irresponsible and a dilettante. Who could recognize that Trudeau in 1970? Today he is Canada's chancellor of blood and iron, imposing almost a martial law in Quebec, hammering the unions, crushing inflation under a ruthless heel. The fascinating question at the start of 1971 is which Trudeau will dominate the new year, the playboy or the patrician? Or will he pull another switch and develop a third personality as he leads his government toward the election next year? For it is more and more apparent that Trudeau, whatever his other qualities, is a consummate actor in the theatre of politics. Most political leaders are men of ingrained and predictable style. But when Trudeau switches from a dashing leather to a banker's dark jacket and vest, he also changes his image and plays a different role. By emphasizing different aspects of his complex personality, he So They Say I noticed how kids at school treated other Mexican children. But in high school I decided I am what I am and proud of it, and if people don't like it, that's just too bad. -Singer Vicki Carr, whose real name is Florencia Bisenta de i Camillas Martinez Cardona. seems to lead and reflect the national mood. The role he chooses depends on his assessment of the political and national needs of thn time. When he inherited a worn out and discredited Liberal government in 1968, the task was to create the impression of rebirth in youth and confidence, and Trudeau appeared as the gay swinger. Once in power, his first priority was to bring the vast machinery of government under control, and to demonstrate to businessmen that he really was in command, by balancing the budget - which meant adopting a highly conservative posture. A year ago, Trudeau was deeply worried by the psychology of inflation, the w i d e-spread belief that prices would go on rising because no government would be lough enough to persist in politically unpopular measures of restraint. To prove the cynics wrong Trudeau appeared in the role of the cold-hearted reactionary willing to impose whatever level of unemployment was necessary to curb wages and prices. When terrorists struck in Quebec, Trudeau's studies of history taught him that the real enemies were fear and uncertainty. And so he became almost Napoleonic to reassure the public that matters were under firm control. He has proved so popular in this role, his reviews in the opinion polls are so extravagant, that he must be tempted to continue the perseverance. After all, why close down a hit? But if power has not yet completely corrupted, we can probably expect yet another Trudeau in 1971, as he responds to different needs and begins to build the image with which he will run for re-election next year. He is accused of being an isolationist and has failed so far to make much of a Canadian mark on the world. So at the Commonwealth conference in Singapore this month, in Russia in the spring, at the United Nations in the fall perhaps he will be strutting in the role of the international statesman. He is criticized for being an anti-nationalist, so he is already seeking to articulate a set of Canadian values which distinguish us from the United States and which will present him, hopefully, in the role of the new, new nationalist. Having played the authoritarian in French Canada, he is now anxious to revert to being a constitutionalist, and he has been laying plans with Quebec Premier Robert Bourassa for some striking progress at the federal - provincial conference in February. For Trudeau, 1971 is scripted as an upbeat year in which he will appear not as playboy or patrician but simply as the permanent Prime Minister for all seasons and. all tastes. As another student of human nature wrote: Each man in his time plays many parts. (Toronto Star Syndicate) Looking backward Through the Herald 1921-The ice harvest is under way and it is expected six thousand tons will be put up this year. The open winter has reduced the thickness of the ice, with 14 inches being the average. 1931-The smallpox ban will be lifted at Barons January 14. A total of 1,250 persons have been vaccinated and all cases of the disease are said to be improving with no new cases reported. 1941 - P i t c a i r n Islanders, hard hit themselves by the war in Europe, have offered a haven to child refugees from Britain on the lonely island in the Pacific, which sheltered the mutineers of the Bounty 151 years ago. 1951 - Canada's population has hit the 14,000,000 figure, nearly double the figure at the start of the First World War. 1961-The question of a site for a new school which will serve the south-central section of the city has not yet been decided by the school board. The Lcthbndge Herald 504 7th St. S., Lethbridge, Alberta LETHBRIDGE HERALD CO. LTD., Proprietors and Publishers Published 1905-1954, by Hon. W. A. BUCHANAN Stcond Cl�� Mali Registration No. COl'j Mtmber of The Canadian Prtu and tha Ca'nadlan Dally Newipapar Publisher*' Attoclatlon and tha Audit Bureau of Circulation! CLEO W. MOWERS, Editor and Publisher THOMAS H. ADAMS, General Manager WILLIAM HAY Associate Editor DOUGLAS K. WALKER Editorial Page Editor JOE BALLA Managing Editor ROY F. MILES Advertising Manager "THE HERALD SERVES THE SOUTH" t ;