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Lethbridge Herald, The (Newspaper) - January 3, 1972, Lethbridge, Alberta 4 TNI lETMMIDOE HfMID Mcmd.y, J, Carl Rowan The due process of law The dismay and concern of the people of the Magrath district (and indeed of all of Southern Alberta) over the recent assault and murder in their area is perfectly understand- able, and their insistence on changes in certain aspects of public protec- tion can be appreciated. However another concern has de- veloped, and that is the trial and conviction of accused persons by public meeting and public broadcast rather than by so-called "due pro- cess of law." The whole trend of modern crimi- nal 1 a enforcement is toward stricter observance of the legal pro- cesses. Convictions must be obtain- ed only in the courts and only by evidence presented in the courts, and especially not by the pressure of public outrage. When the law has worked its course then is the time for public opinion on matters of principle to be heard. What now, Mr. Mintoff? Malta, the little island in the Med- iterranean, known as the "unsinkable aircraft whose heroic peo- ple earned the George Cross for their courageous resistance to heavy bom- bardment during the Second World War will no longer be a British en- clave. Although it has been inde- pendent since 1964, the dockyards and some of the troops remained. Until about seven months ago it was a communications centre for NATO, but these facilities were withdrawn be- cause of opposition from the Labor government headed by Premier Dom Mintoff. The dockyards in Valletta harbor, which have continued to service Brit- ish ships, may. now very well see Russian vessels instead. The fine new hotels, which have been operating half empty for months, could very likely have a new kind of Russian troops on leave, or perhaps oil-rich Libyans, come from 80 miles away to enjoy the luxuries of Western accommodation. Many British resi- dents, who found Malta an income tax haven, may go home. No one really knows. Mr. Dom Mintoff, the mercurial head of government, who holds a ma- jority of only one, has been trying for months to squeeze more rental for the Maltese dockyard and other military installations, from the Brit- ish. His latest demands are simply too much. Malta has its price, in the eyes of Prime Minister Heath, and Mr. Mintoff's price is too high. The Maltese people, most.of whom live close to thfc poverty line already are bound to feel the pinch for the time being at least. There will be an outflow of capital investment, a sharp reduction in employment, reduced tourist trade, and apprehension about the future. Domestic unrest is certain to occur. The uneven tempered Mr. Mintoff must bear the onus of responsibility. Whether the Soviets will take over as the British leave is uncertain, but if they do, the Maltese are unlikely to find the Russians will pay higher wages. Nor will the Russians be free wheeling spenders. Malta's trading partners are Britain, the Common- wealth and Common Market coun- tries. Will Mr. Mintoff be able to continue with these associations? From here, it would appear that the people of Malta are in for a very hard time of it. NATO is taking the situation calm- ly. So are the British, although there is deep regret that yet another link with a proud past is gone. The hand- writing has been on the limestone for months, and strategically Malta, it is said, no longer has the vital im- portance it once had. Alternative NATO naval and air bases can be established in Sicily or southern Italy, where they would be more wel- come. All this having been said, it must be acknowledged that the Russians are extending their influence and power in the Mediterranean, a fact that the West can hardly view with equanimity. Several months ago it was rumored that Libya, with its oil billions, is anxious to spend some of it in Malta. One wonders, if Mr. Mintoff, should accept funds from this quarter, how the strongly Roman Catholic popula- tion of the island would view an arab incursion even a peaceful one. Malta, after all, is the historic stronghold of the Knights, those re- doubtable defenders of the Faith from the infidel. You bought the deal Mr. Mintoff. You and your people must now live with it. From our point of view, it is unlikely that either you, or they will enjoy it. ART BUCHWALD Clean your room WASHINGTON You don't really feel the generation gap in this country until a son or daughter comes home from college for Christmas. Then it strikes you how out of it you really are. This dialogue is probably taking place all over America this week; "Nancy, you've been home from school for three days now. Why don't you clean up your room." "We don't have to clean up our rooms at college, Mother." "That's very nice, Nancy, and I'm happy you're going to such a free-whteliag insti- tution. But while you're in the house, your father and I would like you to clean up your room." "What difference does it make? It's m? room." "I know, dear, and it really doesn't mean that much to me. But your father has a great fear of the plague. He said this mor- ning if il is going to start anywhere in this country il's going to slart in your room." "Mother, you people aren't interested in anything that's relevant. Do you realize how the major corporations are polluting our itss- j oic very worried about it. But right now we're more con- cerned with the pollution in your bedroom. You haven't made your bed since you came home." "I never make it up at the dorm." "Of course you don't, and I'm sure tha time you save goes toward your education. But we still have these old-fashioned ideas about making beds in the morning and we can't shake them. Since you're home for such a short time, why don't you do it to humor "For heaven's sake, Mother, I'm grown up now. Why do you have to treat me like a "We're not treating you like a child. But It's very hard for us to realize you're an adult when you throw ill your clothes on the floor." "I haven't thrown all my clothes on Ihe floor. Those are jusl the clothes 1 wore yesterday." "Forgive me. I exaggerated. Well, how about the dirty dishes and empty soft-drink cans on your desk? Are you collecting them for a science "Mother, you don'l understand us. You people were brought up to have clean rooms. But our generation doesn't care about things like that. It's what you have in your head that counts." "No one respects education more than your father and I do, particularly at the prices they're charging. But we can't sec how living in squalor can improve your "That's because of your priorities. You would ralher have me make up my bed and pick up my clothes than become a free spirit who thinks for myself." "We're not trying to stifle your free spirit. It's just that our Blue Cross has run out, and we have no protection in case anybody in the family catches "All right, I'll clean up my room if it means that much to you. But I want you to know you've ruined my vacation." "It was a calculated risk I had to take. Oh, by the way, I know this is a terrible thmg to ask of you, but would you mind helping me wash the dinner "Wash dishes? Nobody washes dishes at school." "Your father and I were afraid of thai." (Toronto Sun News Service) Still learning By DMf Wllker AT Ted and BUl'i let-vice station, frioids and neighbors meet, I mi ID conversation with Sherry dirk when along came George Chcssor. George failed to acknowledge our presence so Sherry K- him of belDf ituck up. Hid George with a tidelong fiance in my direction, "I have learned in the company of some people to keep my mouth shut." It would appear (hit he used the wrung Important Kuaia Lumpur declaration WASHINGTON Too often we Americans are Im- pressed by events of violence, or dramatic surprises, in mak- ing foreign policy judgments. Thii penchant for .swaying with the headlines causes us to often overlook quiet developments of great significance. A case in point is the Ameri- can fascination for speL-ulating on the magnitude of lost U.S. prestige in India's victory over Pakistan, or guessing about what President Nixon can achieve in Communist China, while virtually no one pays any attention to shifts in Southeast Asia that have produced "the Kuala Lumpur declaration." There can be no doubt that the administration's' petulant policy in the India Pakistan confrontation was a case 61 childish bungling which handed the Soviet Union one of its major diplomatic triumphs of the last quarter century. It has been characterized accur- ately as the biggest foreign policy blunder of a Nixon ad- ministration that has made far fewer mistakes in the foreign field than most anyone expect- ed three years ago. But the main story of declin- ing U.S. prestige was not in those gory headlines coming out of East Bengal, but In the almost prayerful of the countries of Southeast Asia meeting quietly in the capita! of Malaysia. Why was it such t silly, empty affront for the U.S'. to have the aircraft carrier Enter- prise steam into the Bay of Bengal as though it was a warning to India of U.S. mill- t a r y intervention. Because even our staunchest, most hawkish allies in that part of the world have concluded that reliance on U.S. military inter- vention is foolhardy. With the agonies of war in Indochina still gripping the U.S., no one tatimd thtt fto wu about to become militarily involved in the Indo Pakistani subcontinent. It is this realization of U.S. lost impotence of camed Foreign Ministers Adam Malik of Indo- nesia, Carlos Ramulo of the Philippines, S. Rajanatnim of Singapore, special envoy and former Foreign Minister Thanat Khoman of Thailand and Prime Minister Tun Abdul Razak of Malaysia to meet in Kuala Lumpur and Issue i dec- laration of neutrality which would have been unthinkable even five years ago. "UK last week I inadvertently w'shed you a Happy New Year Then five countries, vttii about 200 million combined population, declared their de- termination to make Southeast Aila "a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality, free from any form or manner of interference by outside powers." They fell .short of an outright declaration, but their joint communique also made it clear that they wish to make South- east Asia "a nuclear free Thu has the most serious im- plications for any future U.S. military role in Southeast Asia. The U.S. air war against North Vietnam has been waged largely from bases in Thailand where, significantly, the gov- ernment is still fighting an in- ternal struggle against Com- munist inspired guerrillas. The huge B-52s which have dropped tons of bombs on Indo- china have flown out of U.S. bases in the Philippines, once regarded merely as a U.S. pup- pet. Malaysia was once a vocally hawkish encourager of U.S. military intervention in Indo- china, and her troops are still killing local Chinese insurgents who get instructions by radio from the China mainland. Indonesia has been sharply pro-Western since a pro-Peking coup was foiled, Sukarno was ousted as president and tens of thousands of Communists were purged. With no bases in the Philip- pines or Thailand, no place to put nuclear weapons there, and with Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore following policies of strict neutrality, the influence of U.S. military might in South- east Asia would drop drastical- ly A grave question for these small countries, however, is whether Communist China and the Soviet Union will re- spect their declaration of neu- trality. The two Communist giants might consider It worth the pretense just to the Asians to force out the U.S. bases. Asian leaders are aware of the dangerous import of the step they have taken. Razak told the foreign ministers that a "long and difficult road is ahead of us any mistake entails grave risks." That these countries would take such risks is a telling com- mentary on their new view of Uncle Sam. The reams of pub- licity likely to come from Mr. Nixon's China visit will not change that reality one whit. (Field Enterprises, Inc.) Calm L egum Ovambo strike in Namibia shakes apartheid system GABERONES, Botswana Tiie virtually total strike by Ovambo workers in Namibia (South-west Africa) is the most dramatic industrial or political challenge to the power of the apartheid regime in South Africa since the pass law demonstrations which culmi- nated in the Sharpeville shoot- ings in 19GO. But whereas the 1960 protest was led by sophisticated tical movements among the in- dustrial workers in the heart of the republic, the Ovambo work- ers are among the least sophis- ticated of the country's indust- rial population. They work un- der the restrictive system of contract labor which ties them as migrant workers to a clearly defined "master-servant rela- tionship." Also, they have neither trade unions nor legal political organizations. They come from a tribal area in the most remote northern part of the country, just souO of the Portuguese Angola frontier. Hitherto, the Ovambo have been looked upon as the most acquiescent and "loyal" of all the African tribes hence the role they have come to play as the major labor .force in Nami- bia's economy. Now they are choosing tc go home to eke out a bare subsistence livelihood rather than to continue work for less than SJ2 a monfi phis free food and lodgings. The re- sult has been lo paralyse the whole Industrial and commer- cial life of Namibia and lo af- fect parts of the agricultural community as well. This strike, however, goes far beyond a normal industrial dis- pute. Its ramifications strike deep into the whole system of apartheid. It reaches out to the international community, since Namibia is n disputed territory which the United Nations Sec- urity Council has declared inde- pendent and illegally occupied by South Africa. It extends the conflict between the Vorstor re- gime and the Church, Arid fi- nally M raises major questions about the role of the liberation movement SWAPO (South-West Africa People's whose main nroa of activity is In Ovamboland. combina- tion of all these factors has had a traumatic effect on the Vor- ster regime, comparable with Sharpeville but less imme- diately dramatic only because the events are occuring in such a distant part of the country. For white South Africa, the darkest nightmare has always been the fear that some day the black workers will collectively down tools and bring the re- public's economy grinding to a halt. It is to avert this possi- bility that the republic main- tains such rigid controls on every aspect of the industrial life of its millions of black workers. The ultimate step in this policy has been the estab- lishment throughout the coun- try of a system of migrant la- bor tied to special contracts of limited duration. The idea is that the African workers will live in their own homelands and enter the white areas (cov- ering over two-thirds of the country) only under special conditions defined by law as master-servant relations. Nowhere has this system been carried to sucti extreme lengths as in Ovamboland and yet it is among the Ovam- bos that the first total strike has occurred. It is this element that musl raise grave doubts f'-clos about Irs i'-c system. i' is the (set thai. ,s industrial community COUK.S from a tribe which has hitherto been looked upon as the bulwark of South Africa's defence against the in- ternational community's pres- sures for the independence of Namibia. The territory first came into South African hands as a League of Nations man- dated territory after the First World War arid it is now a dis- puted United Nations trust ter- ritory. Not only has the Secur- ity Council ruled that South Af- rica is In Illegal occupation of Iho territory, but the World Court at The Hague has upheld the UN's legal right to declare the territory Indopendent. One of the tactics used by the Vorslcr regime to challenge the UN has been lo offer lo hold a referendum among the peo- ple of (he territory because they relied on the loyalty of the Ovambos, who make up over half of Namibia's total popula- tion. Clearly they will now have serious second thoughts about the ability of the Ovambo chiefs to deliver the voles of their tribesmen for continued South African rule. The political resistance lo South African rule over the ter- ritory traditionally came from the numerically smaller bul more politically sophisticated Hercro people, occupy land in Ihe centre of Namibia. It was largely to neutralize their pressures at the UN, where the Reverend Michael Scott has pleaded Iheir cause for over 20 years, that dhe Pretoria regime set about encouraging the Ovambos as a counter-force. Simultaneously, SWAPO, under the leadership of Sam Nujou- ma, has been building up a clandestine political and guer- rilla movement in Ovamboland. The South African regime has always been anxious to prove the SWAPO has little or no in- fluence among the Ovambos. When the strikes first began the authorities were quick to deny thai Ihey tod any political im- plications. Now the police have discovered leaflets some- limes hand-written distri- buted in Hie port of Swakop- mund, in Ihe copper mines, in the capital, Windhoek, and on farms. This suggests a high de- gree of central political organ- ization. What musl worry the government is the effect of tens 'Crazy Capers' of thousands of Ovambo work- ers returning to their home- land, when there is BO em- ployment beside low subsis- tence agriculture. Such a large dissident force is obviously a political factor to be reckoned with. Because the government 1< de- termined to play dowu Die in- fluence of SWAPO it is fixing its suspicions on the church leaders in Ovamboland who, un- der the local Lutheran bishops and the Anglican Bishop of Da- maraland, Dr. Colin Winter, have in recent months taken an increasingly critical itand over the treatment of the Ovambo workers. One of the major grievances they have helped to ventilate has been over the hated contract system which separates husbands from their families for stretches of 18 months and which is UK only legal way whereby tribesmen can go to work outside their homeland. A number of missionaries have already been banned from the country and other church leaders are not allowed to enter Ovamboland. There seems little doubt that further tough action and prosecutions against church leaders will follow. Meanwhile, the South Afri- cans aow face the question of where to recruit labor in future. The Hereros have long been regarded as troublesome work- ers and cannot be controlled as easily as the Ovambos have been in the past. Attempts are now being made to recruit me Okavangos and Damaras. Not only do they lack UK industrial experience of the Ovambos, but they have been quick to take advantage of the strike to de- mand a SO per cent increase in the basic wages paid to the Ovambos in the past a de- mand ridiculed by the authori- ties. The future of Namibia has been under a cloud for over 20 years. The Ovambo industrial revolt will greatly add to the difficulties of the Vorster re- gime in trying to hold on to a territory where its rule has been declared to be illegal. (Written for The Herald and The Observer, London) Looking backward Through the HeraM 1922 The New Year was ushered in by a geriout fire which caused damages amount- ing to in the town of Blairmore. Macleod will play host this week to some one hun- dred curlers for the Annual Foothills bonspici. Oil quota for Turner Valley in January hta been Mt at barrels a day. a record breaking number of 377 cases of measles comprising the major portion of its December total, Leftbridge had 419 reported cases of com- municable diseases last month. 1962 A bust to growing and a boom in selling marked 1961 for Western Canadian grain growers. The selling boom promises to continue into 1982. The Utitfaidge Herald MM ;ih SL S., Lttflbrtdge. LETHBRIDGE HERALD CO. LTD., Proprietors and Publisher! Publlilwd INS 1U4, by Hon. W, A. BUCHANAN MttM CWH Mill KtfllfrlHlxi No. Sis won'l he long she's just making her- Mlf honible. -J ino'ini CjMmin Duly Ntwi. Audit IvrMu M Clrcullllim CLIO MOWtlll, HIIV IM PuMllMT THOMAt K ADAMt, OfMril MinlMr JOE IALLA WILLIAM HAY Miniglng Editor AsiKKti Editor ROY F. MILiS DOUGLAS K. WALK IK MnrWlm mmmr Idllwlii Put Idllor THE HUAIB tfKVtS THE ;