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Lethbridge Herald, The (Newspaper) - December 20, 1974, Lethbridge, Alberta 4 THE LETHBFIIDGE HERALD Friday, December 20, 1974 UHTOIUALS Restraint is desirable The very rich think much differently The federal government seems deter- mined to undermine the only semblance of a policy for checking inflation that has been apparent so far In his budget speech last month Finance Minister John Turner appealed for restraint in the hiking of wages and salaries But other members of the cabinet are ignoring the appeal. Hard on the heels of a bill introduced by Government House Leader Mitchell Sharp calling for salary increases of 50 per cent for members of Parliament, Justice Minister Otto Lang has proposed that the salaries of judges be raised by as much as 72 per cent Could anything be better calculated to generate feelings of discontent in the nation, issuing in waves of wage and salary demands, than the at- titude of the government as seen in these two proposals7 There is some warrant for increasing the salaries of legislators, as The Herald has argued But what reasons can be ad- vanced for judges now getting a year being awarded 72 per cent increases7 Judges, unlike members of Parliament, do not have to maintain two homes, for instance. Now that there has been a public out- cry against the proposal for increasing MPs salaries sufficient to cause a rethinking of the matter, there should be a similar re evaluation of the remuneration of judges and other public servants Unless there is to be a com- plete sell out to a materialistic philosophy, a challenge has to be made of the notion that public service will only be undertaken if it is rewarded commen- surate with the way business tycoons and entertainers are rewarded Surely it is not too idealistic to expect that people should find other satisfac- tions besides those of a monetary nature in serving the public This does not mean that sacrifice should be expected of judges and members of Parliament It simply means that the sky does not need to be the limit and some restraint is indeed desirable in the setting of salaries Unorthodox advice It is always satisfying to be able to report a reversal, no matter how slight, of an alarming trend Thus the news that a noted Canadian economist is telling Americans how to combat their twin problems of inflation and unemployment should be welcome to Canadian ears sen- sitive to reverberations flowing in the opposite direction To be sure, the economist in question teaches at Colum- bia University in New York City, but this, in itself, should mollify those nationalists who have felt that academicians moved only northward Professor Robert A Mundell has already established an international reputation Sir Roy Harrod, biographer of J M Keynes, has called him one of the greatest economists in the world, and the chairman of the court of governors of the London School of Economics, Lord Robbins, once said of him, "Bob is seldom wrong The advice Mundell offered Americans via their leading financial newspaper is that inflation and unemployment are separate problems and should be treated separately Tight money is needed to combat the former, he has advised, and a billion tax cut is necessary to fight the latter This is not consistent with U S orthodoxy but the professor is not known for orthodox thinking along economic lines His advice may not be heeded but his reputation is such as to guarantee that it will be heard RUSSELL BAKER Weeping with Nixon NEW YORK Although Jesus wept, American pol iticians do not When one of them violates the protocol, the event is so extraordinary that newspapers report it on front pages and television records it with the gravity due mysterious fireballs in the sky and diabolism in city hall Thus, John Ehrhchman's tears on the witness stand in Washington were treated as a major national occurrence this week and will probably be remembered by the multitude long after other details of the Watergate trial have been lost Although other public men may have wept publicly over the past 25 years, I can remember only two Both of them, curiously or not, were associated with the career of Richard Nixon, which gives Nixon a monopoly on political tears in the modern age The first of course, was Nixon who wept publicly on the shoulder of the late Sen William Knowland in 1952 There had been the slush fund scandal in the middle of the Eisenhower campaign Nixon, under orders from the general to prove himself "clean as a hound's had delivered the Checkers speech which brought millions in the televi- sion audience close to tears, and the general had pronounc- ed him my boy On hearing the news, Nixon fell against Knowland's lapel and wept There are pictures of it His old acting coach at Whittier College, upon seeing them, is said to have boasted, "I taught him how to do that" The next public weep was Sen Edmund Muskie, ex- ecuted outside the plant of the Manchester Union-Leader during the New Hampshire primary of 1972 As with the post-Checkers crying, the Muskie tears also represented political progress for Nixon for it was widely assumed that the voters would never tolerate a presidential candidate who had tears to shed and that Muskie had therefore, cried himself out of the Democratic nomination This proved correct Muskie, who had been running ahead of Nixon in the pop- ularity polls at the end of 1971, faded i'ke an old print by springtime, leaving Nixon to feed upon the luckless McGovern There is a small irony in Ehrhchman s tears, for the Watergate confidence game in which he is involved was a part with the political dirty- tricks operations which drove Muskie to destruction-by- tears in New Hampshire The mechanics by which the White House unloosed the Muskie tear ducts seem to have been masterminded by Charles Colson, but we may reasonably assume that Ehrhchman smiled as happily as his fellow White House pranksters upon learning that the fatal tears had flowed in the New England snow Did Muskie smile privately this week at the news of Ehrhchman s tears7 He would surely not admit to it, but he would be less than human if he did not take satisfaction from the mild biblical justice of extracting a tear for a tear The more troublesome question is why the occasional shedding of tears by public men is such an astonishing event that it commands headlines and destroys careers7 If Jesus could weep, why not Muskie7 The aggressive American temperament would naturally be uneasy with leaders who governed on floods of tears But an occasional cry would seem to suggest a becoming sensitivity in a man Which ought to make him more attractive, not less so, for the brutish work of the presiden- cy One of the most skilled public weepers of the modern age was Winston Churchill, an American idol I once saw the old man weep ostentatiously in the House of Commons dur- ing a speech describing the devastation humanity would suffer in a nuclear war, and the house was almost reveren tial in silence before the spectacle An English politician to whom I described this remarkable and un-American performance replied, "Oh, Winston does that crying business every time he talks about the bomb He can turn it on and off Somewhere in England, I suppose there was an old drama coach who said, "I taught him how to do that But it doesn't matter For Churchill the ability to shed a few tears on a large occasion was a manly attribute Small boys are taught that boys don t cry, but tears on a big occasion are entirely fitting for a big man Perhaps Americans prefer to be led by big boys Berry's World By Richard Gwyn, Toronto Star commentator Scott Fitzgerald's best line was, "The very rich are different you and even though Ernest Hemingway rather deflated its effect by commenting, "Yes, they have more money Fitzgerald had in mind peo- ple like The Great Gatsby but his comment applies to anyone to whom money has ceased to be a problem A fat income means small things, a taxi rather than the bus or phoning long-distance whenever you feel like it rather than waiting for the low rates in the evening Money changes more than lifestyle it affects attitude and outlook It means self- assurance It means being able to make choices It means, ultimately, living differently from everyone else, and therefore thinking differently Members of Parliament represent people This is their purpose and their strength Any minister or MP who tries to argue with a bureaucrat over details can be killed by expertise But no official can counter a politician's flat statement, "I know what the people want" Politicians whose salaries are in the top 0 5 per cent of income-earners no longer can know what people want in the daily bread-and-butter terms of a job, a weekly wage, the price of food or of a house It's one thing for MPs to share, more or less, the same experiences as those they represent and quite another for MPs to have to imagine those experiences or to try to remember them from their younger days This would have been the real cost of Bill C-44, not the million or so it would have added to the parliamentary budget nor even the damage it would have done to Finance Minister John Turner's prospects, doubtful enough already, for persuading business and labor to exercise restraint Until the early '60s, back- bench MPs were treated as, and many thought of them- selves as, part-time amateurs Their salaries were almost a nominal sum Backbenchers were paired in a single office with a single secretary, so that when con- stituents called, one MP and the secretary had to leave, usually to take coffee in the cafeteria 'This is the fifth time you've been through here today How many girl friends have you got7' Today, MPs are full-time professionals The facilities provided to them are exten- sive, expensive (Parliament has a million budget and employees and are en- tirely justified Members travel free to their ridings, use public funds to operate a constituency of- fice and to publish a con- stituency newsletter Basic campaign costs are covered in the new elections act Each backbencher occupies a two- office suite and employs an assistant and a secretary The caucus of each party has its own research staff, so does the parliamentary library These services enable MPs to keep in touch with their constituents and so to repre- sent them better More ser- vices in fact are needed, par- ticularly research and investigative staff for parliamentary committees No matter how hard an indi- vidual MP tries, his or her life is bound in large part to be un- real Parliament is a large, rather cosy club Even some of the sting of job insecurity has been removed by generous pensions More important, members other than cabinet ministers must make their mark not by doing things but by talking about doing things They suc- ceed largely to the extent they can attract the attention of the press, and so are forced to play the sensationalist game of the press on its terms Members deserve a pay in- crease, there's no question about that despite the self- righteous indignation of most editorial writers and the self- conscious piety of the New Democratic Party of which in private most members sup- port the government's proposal Salaries of virtually though, would reverse most of the parliamentary reform of the last decade MPs would live differently from other people and so increasingly would act and feel differently They no longer would know what anyone wants except themselves Ian Smith starting fight for his political life By Colin Legum, London Observer commentator LONDON If Rhodesia's white leader, Ian Smith, had any alternative he would not have taken the great risk of releasing all his black political prisoners and agree- ing to sit down with them in unconditional talks about a new constitution for the rebel colony While Smith must obviously welcome the relief that he will get through the quid pro quo of the cessation of guerrilla at- tacks while the search for a peaceful settlement con- tinues, the new policy tack on which he has embarked is not at all to his liking But rebel Rhodesia is caught up in two powerful crosswnds the violent black storms blowing across the Zambezi river from the north and north-east through Mozambique, and the countervailing pressures com- ing from Pretoria in the south While the Smith regime could brace itself for some time to face the southern blasts, it cannot confidently hope to do so unless it can rely on sympathetic breezes from South Africa and this is precisely what the white Rhodesians can no longer count on Therefore Ian Smith has no alternative but to undertake the risky course on which he has now set Rhodesia The swiftness of the decision to call a ceasefire in Rhodesia, to release all political prisoners, and to prepare for Letters Time to stop Hurlburt Recently Ken Hurlburt, in an outburst in the House ol Commons, attacked teachers, immigrants, labor unions, other political parties, the universities, the colleges, socialism, welfare schemes, old age pension plans, widow's allowances and heaven knows what else Apparently he thought it was such great stuff that h" had his speech mailed to eveiy home in his con- stituency It is obvious Mr Hurlburt doesn't give a damn for anjone or that is not, somehow, connected with the wheeling and dealing of the market place He shows nothing but utter contempt for other than the big money ranching, farming, and in- dustrial interests Ordinary people don't count Now that he includes questionable big time per- sonalities among those he deems to "contribute" to the Canadian society (as opposed to teachers who do the time is quite obviously over- due when he should be stopped Either Hurlburt is incredibly, unbelievably stupid or terribly, frightemng- ly dangerous or he is both In either case, the time is over- due to call a halt to the kind of performance he has been presenting While it is one thng to give his constituency poor representation in Ot- tawa, it is quite something else to make all the residents of that constituency appear a bunch of damn fools for hav- ing elected him ANOTHER NON- CONTRIBUTING TEACHER Lethbndge Inflammatory comments 1974 NEA 11C 'Sometimes, I wish we were back in the pre-lib days, when men weren't supposed to show their emotions'" The same honorable member who considered sub- sidized day care a "diabolical plot" (The Herald March, 1973) has now referred to the Lethbndge B-rth Control and Information Centre as a Porno Shop Such comments should rot go unopposed as they are highly inflammatory and irresponsible I have been impressed by the integrity and the commitment to help- ing of the centre's staff ANTHONY G TOBIN Lethbndge an early constitutional conference, confirms the earlier impression that the sudden breakdown of the negotiations for an agreement in Lusaka -was due to a mis- understanding The Rhodesian represen- tative in Lusaka had either un- derstood or perhaps Smith had misinterpreted what he was told that the Africans were demanding immediate black majority rule as a precondition for the cease-fire and the constitutional talks What they were asking, as it now transpires is that the question of ultimate majority rule should not be ruled out in advance of the constitutional talks One of the ironies of the decision to release all political prisoners is that it includes Sithole, who was in fact convicted in a Rhodesian court on a charge of planning the assassination of Smith and sentenced to a long term of imprisonment Sithole had claimed that the evidence against him was framed while he was in detention So Smith who is a great stickler for upholding the law has conveniently set aside his own court's decision This act will require some special measure on his part to sus- pend the remainder of Sithole's prison sentence The risks Smith runs are of two kinds First, he is bound to upset the diehard right- wingers of his Rhodesian Front, who still show no sign of being aware of the nature of the change in the balance of power in Southern Africa caused by Portugal's abdica- tion of its colonial role So, at the same time as the country is plunged into the un- usual spectacle of an activist black political campaign, Smith will have to deal with a white backlash However so long as the proposed constitutional talks hold out the prospect of an agreement, there is little doubt that Smith's authority among white Rhodesians will enable him to withstand his right-wing backlash He will be greatly assisted in this resistance by the new-found support he will get from his former white political op- ponents, who have all along favored a negotiated settlement In fact, that much-criticized international campaign of sanctions against Rhodesia can now be seen to have been a major instrument in preventing the Smith regime from developing the kind of economic strength and diplomatic support which might have enabled him to avoid the necessity of making his present compromises The second risk Smith runs arises from the possibility that the constitutional talks will fail That would leave him not back at square one, but in a considerably weakened position He will, in the mean- time, have given black pol- iticians an opportunity to re establish their strength through their newly-united African National Council, and he will almost certainly have destroyed irretrievably the authority of the black tribal leaders on whom he relied so heavily to sustain his position among black Rhodesians Already the chiefs have begun to complain publicly about having been "sold out" by Smith to the black political leaders, and undoubtedly this has been the case So, if the negotiations for a peaceful settlement should fail, Smith will have lost his right-wing white support and his tribal leaders' backing The Africans will not only have established a stronger political hold on the majority of the electorate (against a divided white front) but they would still be free to exercise their option of resuming their armed struggle In the meantime, South Africa's Premier, John Vorster, will have withdrawn his para-military policemen from Rhodesia another of the elements of the agreement of Lusaka It is improbable that the South Africans would be willing to recommit their forces in Rhodesia once they have left, since one of Vorster's objectives in the re- cent initiative for a detente was to get rid of his military commitment to white Rhodesians on honorable terms Having achieved this objective it seems highly un- likely that he would be ready to march back into the Rhodesia trap The critical question for Smith, therefore is whether the constitutional talks can succeed Their success depends entirely on one issue whether the new constitution will provide for black majori- ty rule after an agreed transi- tion period There can be no question of compromise over this principle from the Africans' side So the only question now is whether Smith will in the end be compelled to swallow his own principles and submit to the inevitable Bearing in mind that the primary reason for his unilateral declaration of independence from Britain, which took white Rhodesia into rebellion was to avoid ever conceding black majori- ty rule, the size of Smith's defeat should he concede this African demand is clear What is by no means clear, however is that Smith per- sonally can survive a 180- degree shift in his position over black majority rule Whatever happens in the end, therefore, it seems likely that Smith now finds himself on the slippery slope of his political defeat The Letltbridge Herald 504 7th St S Lethbndge Alberta LETHBRIDGE HERALD CO LTD "roprietors and Publishers Second Class Mail Registration No 0012 CLEO MOWERS Editor and Publisher DON H PILLING Managing Editor ROY F MILES Advertising Manager DOUGLAS K WALKER Editorial Page Editor DONALD R DORAM General Manager ROBERT M FENTON Circulation Manager KENNETH E BARNETT Business Manager "THE HERALD SERVES THE SOUTH" ;