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Lethbridge Herald Newspaper Archives

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Lethbridge Herald, The (Newspaper) - August 12, 1974, Lethbridge, Alberta Monday, August LETHBRIDGE HERALD-5 First president to resign office Continued from Page 3 I had to be firm without be- ing belligerent, a most dif- ficult posture to preserve." Nixon told the premier that neither country should ever force relations to a point of showdown, that if a Soviet American nuclear war were ever to break out, "we would both be losers." Nixon later recalled the mo- ment not only as "one of the major personal crises of my life but... as a case study of the crisis of world com- munism. In the person of Nikita Khrushchev, 'com- munist Man' at his best, I had seen communism in action." SIXTH CRISIS: The1960 Election November, 1960 Richard Nixon's sixth crisis the intensely fought presidential campaign of 1960 was more than a single challenge confronted and con- quered. It was a series of decisions and crises. Yet, in Nixon's view, it was only a handful of events and decisions that caused his defeat. The Kennedy Nixon cam- paign introduced televised debates into presidential cam- paigns. While most commentators felt Nixon held his own over the four debates, it was the first one with an audience of 80 million viewers that seemed the turning point. On camera, Nixon appeared haggard and drawn, an appearance which apparently alienated many voters Nixon, himself, concluded later that he had spent too much time on substance and not enough on appearance, not realizing that one bad makeup job could influence millions of votes. He also felt that a post convention Congressional ses- sion had been engineered by Senate Majority Leader Lyndon Johnson to tie him to Washington while Kennedy was free to travel around the country. While Nixon has denied it, there seems little doubt that he was hurt both personally and politically by Eisenhower's minimal sup- port for his campaign. At one point, when reporters asked Eisenhower what major policy ideas Nixon had contributed to his ad- ministration, he replied: "If you give me a week I might think of a remark Nixon later excused as a clumsy attempt at sarcasm. Following his loss in 1960. Nixon wrote "I have never had much sympathy for the point of view (which says) 'it isn't whether you win or lose that counts, but how you play the game.' "How you play the game does count. But one must put top consideration on the will, the desire and the determina- tion to win. Chief Newman, my football coach in college who was a talented molder of character, used to say: 'You must never be satisfied with losing. You must get angry, terribly angry, about losing Thirteen years later, when the public felt swamped by the pervasive immorality of the Watergate affair, it was this exclusive preoccupation with winning on the part of Nixon campaign aides which was cited by many commentators as being responsible for the sorry state of American politics. SEVENTH CRISIS: The Last Press Conference governorship of California from Democratic incumbent Edmund (Pat) Brown. After a particularly bitter campaign, Brown won by about votes. For some hours after the results were in, Nixon closeted himself in a hotel suite away from the waiting press. Finally he came down- stairs and delivered what he called his "last press including a vin- dictive diatribe that startled reporters. "Now all the members of the press are so delighted that I have he said, as I leave the press, all I can say is this, for 16 years, ever since the Hiss case, you've had a lot of a lot of fun you've had an opportunity to attack me and I think I've given as good as I've taken And I can only say thank God for televi- sion and radio for keeping the newspapers a little more honest Just think how much you're going to be miss- ing You won't have Nixon to kick around any more (The press has) a right and a responsibility if they're against a candidate, to give him the shaft, but also recognize that if they give him the shaft, put one lonely reporter on the campaign who will report what the candidate says now and then." EIGHTH CRISIS: Cambodia and Kent May, 1970 February, 1972 an Two years after his defeat by John F. Kennedy, Richard Nixon set out to wrest the Nixon's eighth crisis intense wave of violence and polarization that swept the country was precipitated by his decision on April 27, 1970, to send American soldiers to search out and destroy com- munist sanctuaries inside Cambodia. While more than troops, half of them American, poured into Cam- bodia in eight separate thrusts, violent Shockwaves reverberated throughout the country. Militarily, the opera- tion seemed to be successful. By the end of the first week, the allies had captured tons of rice, weapons and am- munition, as communist troops despersed into hills and jungles. Despite Nixon's assurance to the country that the Cambo- dian action was "not an in- vasion" and that he was not seeking to widen the war, domestic reaction was swift and violent. Campuses across the nation erupted in turbulence. On May 4, a confrontation between 100 National Guardsmen and around 600 students at Kent State University ended in the death of four young people when the guardsmen fired a volley into a group of the anti war demonstrators. The Kent State tragedy, following by three days Nix- on's public castigation of stu- dent protesters as shocked the nation. More than 400 colleges and universities suspended classes in the first general student strike in America's history. On May 9, an angry crowd of demonstrators flocked to Washington to protest the President's action. In the midst of the tur- bulence, Nixon, himself, made a predawn visit on May 9 to the Lincoln Memorial where he engaged some anti war students in a debate. According to some of the students he met, "he looked tired and "his hands were in his pockets; he didn't look anyone in the eyes; he looked scared and nervous like he was in a fog." Bruce Mazlish, author of "In Search of speculates that "the months of April May 1970 imposed the greatest strain on Nixon's since 1962. It is a tribute to his 'strength of character' and his dogged perseverance that he suffered merely a depression and not a breakdown NINTH CRISIS: The Week that Changed the World In the first half of 1972, President Nixon made two visits that seemed to ensure his reputation as one of America's most creative presidents in the field of foreign policy. On Feb. 21, the President arrived in Peking for an eight day visit to the People's Republic of China. Bringing to an end 23 years of official hostile silence between the two countries, Nixon and Premier Chou En lai hammered out an word communique which agreed that neither country would seek hegemony in Asia and paved the way for a series of trade agreements between China and the U.S. Sen. Edward Kennedy, call- ed the communique "one of the most progressive documents" in the history of American diplomacy, and hailed "the bridge that has now been built to Peking." Three months later, Nixon met Soviet Premier Aleksei Kosygin and Communist Par- ty Secretary Leonid Brezhnev in Moscow for a spectacular summit meeting, heralding an era of detente between the U.S.R.R. and the U.S. On May 26, Nixon and Brezhnev signed a historic arms limitation treaty, limiting the proliferation of anti-ballistic missile launchers. For Richard Nixon, the spr- ing of 1972 was a period of ex- hilarating success. Does this mean that the man who spent so much of his political life fighting com- munism suddenly lost all suspicions about the inter- national conspiratorial com- munist threat? M.I.T. historian Bruce Mazlish suggests not. But he adds. "The basic context for Nixon's foreign policy is his dedication to peace." As Nix- on told Walter Cronkite back in 1960, "the major role (of a president) is to contribute toward building world an overriding concern which Nixon attributed to the Quaker values of his mother and grandmother. ,When Nixon called his visit to China "the week that changed the he surely must have viewed the crisis as one of the "mountain top" moments of his entire life. TENTH CRISIS: Watergate 1973 It began with the break in of the Democratic Party head- quarters and, as scandal after scandal unraveled, it came to include corporate contributions, laundered money, the notorious "Huston Plan" for a White House directed illegal secret police operation, the revelation that Nixon had secretly recorded all his White House conver- sations and a host of other alleged improprieties and il- legalities. "Crisis can indeed be an agony. But it is the exquisite agony which a man might not want to experience again yet would not for the world have missed But a nation that lives from crisis to crises is in danger of straining its spirit and tearing its soul and in today's world, there are limits on the extent to which we or any other nation can af- ford crisis politics at home." Richard Nixon wrote those words three years before the torturous, slow motion explo- sion of events, collectively called began to tear the soul of America. While the Watergate affair actually began in June, 1972, the affair did not become a "Nixon Crisis" until March, 1973, when James McCord, one of the burglary defen- dants, wrote a letter to Judge John Sirica implicating a number of White House per- sonnel in the Watergate mis- sion and its subsequent cover up. The nation was further ruck- ed when John Dean, a former counsel to the President, told' the Senate Ervin Committee in June that Nixon knew about the cover up as early as September, 1972. When another aide abruptly announced in July that Nixon had recorded all coversations in his offices, a fight ensued between Congress, the courts, the Special Prosecutor and the White House, for possession of the tapes. One casualty of the battle was Special Prosecutor Archibald Cox whom Nixon fired, despite earlier assurances of Cox's because Cox refused a compromise on the tapes. While Nixon's popularity plummeted to a new low of 27 per cent, a disbelieving nation shook its head at White House claims that key tapes had been lost or never existed in the first place. Against a background of in- dictments and convictions of former cabinet members and high White House aides and amid a welter of denials, changes of stories and conflicting testimony, Nixon finally found himself the sub- ject of preliminary impeach- ment proceedings in the House of Representatives. The biggest crisis seemed yet to come. ELEVENTH CRISIS: Agnew'sFall TWELFTH CRISIS: Impeachment By the end of 1973, Congress and the nation were divided on whether President Richard M. Nixon was the victim of a few overzealous aides and an ex- aggerating press, or whether he is an obsessively ambitious man who has committed crimes against the Con- stitution. Sentiment for impeachment seemed to build slowly during the early months of 1974, but with the convening of the House Judiciary Committee to hear evidence on the im- peachment issue, history began to accelerate. On July 19, after the presen- tation of evidence, the Com- mittee's majority counsel, John Doar, with the con- currence of minority counsel Albert Jenner, urged the members to recommend a Senate trial of President Nix- on- The broad articles of im- peachment alleged that Nix- on: justice in the Watergate and related scan- dals; the power of the Presidency in dealing with governmental agencies; contempt of Congress by his failure to produce subpoenaed records and tapes; to perform his con- stitutional duty to "take care that the laws of the land be faithfully the Presidency through underpayment of Federal income taxes and the use of public funds to improve private property. Following the recommenda- tion of the Judiciary Com- mittee, the entire House voted to put the President on trial in the Senate. On Aug. 5 Nixon released transcripts which showed that Nixon had known of the Watergate breakin six days after it happened. Further- more tried to obstruct the FBI from investigating the case. With that admission, the president's support eroded very quickly. Three days later the 37th president "of the United States, became the first chief executive of that country to resign his office. Nixon's eleventh crisis was the one which involved him the least. But it was also the one which would have attracted lasting national attention as the highest scan- dal in American history had it not been for the clamor sur- rounding Watergate. The fall of Spiro Agnew, like his rise, was meteoric. Son of a Greek immigrant, he was elected Baltimore County ex- ecutive and then governor of Maryland. Next step: the White House as Richard Nix- on's two term Vice President. Extremely popular with many segments of the public, Agnew became known as the administrations's toughest "law and order" man. His prominence as a likely Nixon successor for the 1976 Republican presidential nomination was buttressed by the absence of any connection between himself and the Watergate scandals which so rocked the White House and the GOP. His downfall began quietly in 1972 when George Beall, U.S. Attorney for Maryland, began to investigate rumors of kickbacks from private contractors to government of- ficials. Maybe you should get away more. An night for two There are a lot of good reasons why you should get away now and then. And one of the best is our night for two. Any Friday, Saturday or Sunday night. Take your choice. So call us at (403) 266-1611 for reservations, or write us for a Weekend Special Brochure. We'll not only tell you about our world-famous Owl's Nest restaurant, our lounges, and Marco's, a fun-filled night spot featuring great drinks, dancing and swinging entertainment, but we'll also give you some excuses for getting away. If you need them. 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