Lethbridge Herald, The (Newspaper) - April 20, 1974, Lethbridge, Alberta
4 LETH8RIDGE HERALD Saturday, April 20, 1974 Shalom, Golda Meir At the moment. Israeli Premier Golda Meir's announced resignation looks preiiianeiu. It so. it is both an ultimatum and ultimate wisdom. A tough, experienced, and gifted old politician has said to the several uncompromising factions within her country, "You will have to get along without me as referee. You will have to learn to reason together." Perhaps, at 76. she is tired.'Perhaps she doesn't mean it. But if she is still as tough minded as the past has shown, she has recognized the danger inherent in the thought that any one person is absolutely indispensable in the affairs of a nation, and feels this is the time to emphasize that leaders should come and go. before they fall victim to the notion that they alone can hold up the world. It is the kind of realistic decision one could expect of this Russian born, Milwaukee school teacher who emigrated to Palestine 53 years ago as a fervent Zionist and who became a major force in Jewish political lite, starting within the labor movement. And it is a point blank demonstration of the real faith on which political democracy is founded. Golda Meir was her country's first minister to Moscow. In 1949 she returned to Israel to become a cabinet minister. She was appointed foreign minister in 1956 under Premier David Ben-Gurion. In the ensuing decade her militance and strong will frequently set her at odds with UN Secretary General Dag Hammarskjold. In 1966 she stepped down to become head of the Labor Party. At the age of 71, when Premier Levi Eshkol died in office, she was asked to serve as interim premier and she has continued in that post until now. although her government has been under continual fire since the October War. She has always been motivated by what she has deemed to be her country's best interests and she has presumably resigned with this in mind. It is difficult to dispute a wisdom acquired in more than half a century of single minded service to the cause of Israel. Mrs. Meir has earned the love, respect and admiration of a world in which leaders of her calibre are few. Because it is not likely that she will absent herself entirely from political affairs when her caretaker cabinet finds a permanent successor, this is not the time for the world to say goodbye, just, "Shalom." Consumers need help Some major recommendations made to the federal government by the Canadian Consumer Council deserve strong support. In a report to Consumer and Corporate Affairs Minister Herb Gray, the council has asked, among other things, that means be found to subsidize appearances of consumers at hearings before regulatory agencies, that a study be made of inequitable features of the income tax act which allows businesses to deduct costs of such appearances as operating expenses while it denies the same right to consumers, and that consumer representatives be appointed to regulatory boards and agencies. Utility customers have been annoyed over the years by the realization that, through their monthly payments, they are actually providing the salaries and expenses of utility officials and consultants who appear before regulatory agencies requesting a raise in rates while, at the same time, if they wish to protest the increase they have to pay their own expenses and hire their own experts out of their own pockets. It is true that the regulatory agency involved is supposed to protect the. interests of the consumer but in practice many of them are unable to do so adequately. The Public Utilities Board of Alberta, according to its latest annual report, has a board of seven members with two supporting professional staff. Last year it held 115 days of hearings on more than three dozen matters, in addition to handling inquiries and complaints which did not require hearings. It is highly unlikely that the board was able to do much in the way of carrying but independent investigations, or evaluating the efficiency of the operations of companies it regulates, or making its own audits of records. It seems more likely that it is dependent for its decisions, to a large extent, on the material presented at hearings. The PUB annual report states that, "the board is careful to make sure that the citizen interest, as well as the interest of utility companies, is represented at these and, later, "the board makes certain that every assistance is given to interested consumers to present thoroughly their side of each issue." In spite of this assurance, the economics of the situation plainly puts the consumer at a disadvantage. He ususally does not have the expertise to match that of the utility in question, nor does he have the money to hire someone who does. The most persuasive evidence presented at any hearing is apt to be from the utility requesting a rate change. If the Canadian Consumer Council recommendations are put into effect, they will certainly bring a more comprehensive body of evidence before regulatory agencies and assist them in making objective, equitable decisions. WEEKEND MEDITATION The seven sorrows of Jesus Holy Week has come and gone too quickly. It is too important to be finished so soon, so easily. Here was a vision of the eternal nature of Reality, a vision both of man and God. Such visions demand reflection over many weeks, even as Paul's vision on the Damascus Road sent him into Arabia to assess its true, full meaning. Paul says that he conferred not with flesh and blood but immediately "I went away into Arabia." He would return with a totally new apprehension of God and God's revelation to man. In consequence he was a transformed person himself. It is a pity if this does not happen following Holy Week the vision, the reflection, the meaning, and the consequences in life. It helps, therefore, if one studies the Cross from its different aspects. One of the most obvious is the .seven sorrows of Jesus. These sorrows are the results of man's sins which man still commits, so that one always has a sense of personal guilt in looking at the cross. The first sorrow was man's misunderstanding, a result of man's willful blindness and hardness of heart. This is the fate of every leader, of every prophet. His truth is twisted, distorted deliberately. Many- people are genuinely puzzled by him. Others put an unfair interpretation on what he says. Over and over Jesus complained that people were willfully blind and deaf. Woodrow Wilson had that experience. The second sorrow was loneliness. His disciples all fled and left him aloine. In a moment of awful agony he found himself separated from God. No one has ever been mftre hungry for the love of his fellowmen than_Jesus. Such loneliness grew out of his profund love for man. Love wants to be rid of all isolation, to let the barriers down. It cries out for fellowship, for unity with the beloved, for a true brotherhood and a nflHBality of affection. Did not Jesus belie've his mission was to bring man into reconciliation with God? But man's sin remained obstinate and the forgiveness and love were refused. The third sorrow was then his rejection. The Bible says that "He came to his own and his own received him not." "He was despised and rejected of men." He had gone through the country, healing the sick, feeding the hungry, living a life of loving kindness, striving for social justice, ridding religion of its abuses and the poor of their burdens, seeking to avert thr terrible fate which would befall Jerusalem. But they rejected him and chose Barabbas, the robber and rebel. Since Jesus became fully man unassumed is the he must have been bitterly disappointed with his life's work. On the cross he would shout at the end, a single word of exultation in the Greek Scripture. One fails, however, to take into account the humanity of Jesus if he is not attributed a natural human desire for appreciation, success in his life's work, and of having made his mark in the world. As Je- sus went to the cross he would see little done, the world unconverted, evil in power, the Kingdom of God not established, and the Herods and Pilates still on the thrones. What bitter anguish! O God, the unsaved world! The fifth sorrow of Jesus was his humiliation. They stripped him naked, put on him a scarlet robe, put a reed in his hand, and a crown of thorns on his head, making him out to be some kind of fool. Before the lustful Herod, Jesus is an object of jest and ridicule, as he had been to Pilate's soldiers. Every indignity was perpetrated upon him. They struck him when he was blindfolded. "Prophesy! Who smote The sixth sorrow naturally was the mockery. They put the title "King" over his head on the cross. They called on him to come down from the cross if he were truly the Son of God. What agony this was! "Come down that we may see and believe." How he wanted them to believe! But tricks do not convince men and they would not have been convinced if he had come down from the cross. So when Dives wants to go back to his brothers and warn them of the dreadful fate of the selfish, he is told that "They have Moses and the prophets. They will not believe if one rises from the dead." Men are only convinced of the truth by the truth itself. The seventh sorrow is his plunge into the depth of human sin. "He was made sin for us. who knew no sin." The sinless took on himself the sins of mankind. How terrible it must have been for a man of the spotless purity of Jesus who abhorred sin with an awful loathing, to suffer all the slime and filth of it' This is the greatest mystery of all "the lamb slain from the foundation of the world." The message of the cross is "Jesus died for you." Until a man hears thai he has not heard the Gospel of Holy Week. PRAYER: Grant. 0 God, that my life may be such as will only give you joy. F. S M ON THE HILL C.liir A-. Jtir "This is your year for a vacation getting there can be shorter and sweeter any day of the week all departures are guaranteed to go enjoy a taste of service you won't soon forget Orange is Beautiful World leaders need Henry By James Reston, New York Times commentator WASHINGTON A few days ago, Teng Hsiao-ping, the new 70 year old deputy premier of China, flew to New York, had a long private conversation with Secretary of State Kissinger and flew back to Peking again as suddenly as he arrived. This was Teng's first visit to the West in 48 years, and it may be that he merely wanted to see the United Nations in operation and show China's respect for the special session there on the price and distribution of raw materials in the world. But the assumption of most diplomats was that, like most world leaders these days, he wanted to see Kissinger. This is becoming a common occurrence: when in doubt, see Henry. Something very unusual is going on now in the relations between the nations. The political situation is unstable and unpredictable in Washington, Peking, Paris, London, Bonn, Tokyo, Jerusalem, Cairo, Damascus, and in many other capitals. The visit of Teng with Kissinger, which went almost unnoticed, as they hoped it would, merely illustrates the contemporary political confusion. Peking wants to know what is happening to President Nixon, and whether it can rely on the agreements reached by the president in Peking and Shanghai. Washington wants to know what is happening meanwhile in the political changes that are taking place in China, and is much more worried than it lets on about the danger of war between Moscow and Peking. The messages from Peking to Washington now come directly from Mao Tse-Tung through different envoys. Chou En-lai remains the premier of China, but he seems to be less prominent now and references to him in diplomatic conversation are politely ignored by Chinese diplomats. Teng, when he was in New York, insisted that China's cautious policy of accommodation with the United States remained the same and wanted to be assured that Washington felt the same way, but Chou En- lai 's name and role were seldom mentioned. Washington wonders about all this. Kissinger is too shrewd and experienced to make a policy with a man instead of with a country, but he placed great reliance on Chou En-lai's moderation and historical vision. So. back of all these domestic political arguments over Watergate and the succession to power in China, France, and Israel, the struggles of the nations and of power, life, poverty, and death in other countries go on all over the world. It is a dicey and dangerous time, for internal political weaknesses in nations not only impede progress but encourage foreign adventures and even the risk of disastrous wars. This could happen in the Middle East and along the Sino-Soviet border much more easily and suddenly than most people suppose, and the burden of avoiding it falls largely on the United States, and also, under the present circumstances in Washington, on the judgment and energy of Henry Kissinger. In the last few days, he has not only been seeing Teng from Peking and Gromyko from Moscow, the secretary general of the United Nations, the president of Algeria, General Moshe Dayan of Israel and the intelligence chief of Syria, but the foreign ministers of the Latin American republics, the members of the foreign and military affairs committees of the Congress, and the inquisitive reporters of the press. Teng, the old revolutionary, is only the latest symbol of the problem. Next week, having talked to all these people, Kissinger will be seeing the Soviet foreign minister again in Geneva, before he goes on to the Middle East to try to stop the fighting between Israel and Syria on the Golan Heights, and before he arranges Nixon's forthcoming visit to Moscow. So the importance of being Henry has its responsibilities. He doesn't have the answer to all these problems. Senator Jackson of Washington thinks Kissinger is-all wrong on most of them, and even Kissinger's old colleagues in the universities are fussing at him, but the weaker President Nixon becomes politically, the more the leaders of the world like Teng turn to him for guidance and support. Fortunately, in the confusion of domestic and world politics, Kissinger had the good judgment to get married the other day, and now all he has to do is find a house he can afford in Washington for his new bride, and then figure out when he is ever going to find time to get home. Vietnam war without end By Anthony Lewis, New York Times commentator WASHINGTON Since the United States first intervened in Vietnam, we have had two broad alternatives of policy. One is to try to impose our desired pattern on the area by force of arms. The other is to withdraw, leaving the Vietnam problem to the Vietnamese and doing only what we can to encourage accommodation. Our leaders long ajgo chose the first course. In 'doing so they naturally told us that war would be only a temporary necessity: soon there would be a free government in Saigon with the political legitimacy and effectiveness to govern in peace. In pursuit of that illusion we bombed Vietnam and poisoned vegetation and lost 50.000 American lives. Then, a year ago. we signed an agreement for "peace." Perhaps only the naive thought that act signaled a decision to choose the second alternative at. last, and leave Vietnam alone. But how many saw it as nothing more than a device to carry on intervention and war by other means? How many would have predicted that five years hence, or 10. or 20, the United States would still be trying, by arms and ammunition, to impose a solution on Vietnam'1 That vision of perpetual proxy war is not just a grim fantasy. It would be the necessary result of the policy disclosed by Secretary of Kissinger recently in a rrnuirkably candid letter to Sen Kennodv. The Paris agreement and our "long and deep involvement in Kissinger said, both leave the United States with "commitments" to South Vietnam though there is nothing written down. He spoke of providing the Saigon government "the means necessary for its self defence and for its economic viability." For-how long? For the current fiscal year, which ends June 30, the Nixon administration has requested 2.24 billion in visible appropriations to aid the Saigon government, and it projects 2.4 billion for the next fiscal year. Actual spending is almost certainly a good deal higher than published, with additional money coming from the secret CIA budget and possibly from unaccounted White House funds. Kennedy estimates that aid this year totals 3 billion. It is only this enormous American subvention that enables President Thieu to maintain his garrison state in South Vietnam to keep one million men under arms, and a huge police force, and jails filled with political prisoners. It is American policy and American money that allow General Thieu to spurn the terms of the peace agreement c a 11 i n g for political accommodation. Nguyen Van Thieu is a shrewd man. and he understands that he can remain in office only so long as the I'niiod Slates continues io pay for his million man bodyguard. He understands, therefore, that he can never afford a political compromise or state of peace. He must maintain the atmosphere, and the reality, of war. Among those who have studied the origins of our intervention in Vietnam, there is disagreement about whether the leaders who took us in believe their own hopeful words about early viability in Saigon. They had plenty of intelligence showing that no Saigon government could be expected to survive without continuing massive armed support. Did our leaders go on escalating nevertheless, because they knew nothing else to do? It is a nice argument about the distant past. But Henry Kissinger well knew the truth about Saigon's prospects when we bombed Hanoi over Christmas. 1972, in order to change some commas in the peace agreement. He well knew that there could never be any way to keep Thieu in power except perpetual war, waged by the United States through surrogates. And he knows it now when he writes about the prospect of "stable peace." That is why, despite his other accomplishments, some of us believe that Kissinger will go down in history on his Vietnam policy as a cynical betrayer of American idealism. But those judg- ments will come, if ever, a long time from now. How permanent is inflation? Two events in early April raise real fears that the worst inflation is still to come. First, two big steel companies announced they were raising wages to take account of anticipated inflation. Second, a national Gallup poll reported that 92 per cent of Canadians expect prices will go up in the next six months. The reality of inflation is dangerous enough the April rate of 10.4 per cent is the highest in Canada since 1951. But the expectation of inflation is even dangerous. When believes that costs will rise, everyone acts to protect himself or herself. The wage earner asks for higher wages. The seller charges higher prices. The combination forces everything up and up. That's what economists mean by the phrase: "Inflationary psychology." They recognize that there are two parts to the problem of inflation. The first part concerns "real" increases increases that are due to scarcity, production costs, or international factors. The second part of the problem occurs when individuals guard against "expected" increases by increasing their own demands. What is most alarming now is the evidence that more and more Canadians companies and individuals have decided that inflation will get worse. So they are looking out for themselves. That has been happening for some time. One reason land and housing costs are so high is that many investors believe land is the best hedge against inflation so they have poured their money in, competing with who merely want a home, and forcing prices un. But the steel companies were the first "big boys" to reflect the inflationary psychology. Dosco and Stelco started. Inco, Algoma Steel, Falconbridge Nickel, Westinghouse and Rio Algom followed, within a Inevitably, there will be more. the Gallup poll is right, individuals will do the same: demand more, to protect themselves against inflation and, by their demands, force inflation even higher. The Canadians who suffer first are those on fixed incomes people who can't ask for more. But we all suffer in time. The easy answer is to ask others to "start restraint." Big businessmen suggest unions should by cutting wage demands. Big unions suggest business should by cutting profits. So, nobody starts. The only apparent solution with all its imperfections seems to be a policy of an across-the-board freeze, followed by a period of controls. That, at least, would break the psychology, and turn us away from the slippery slopes that Stelco and Gallup predict. Letters No flippant remarks It is with no little regret that I have read Tony Dimnik's letter printed in The Herald, April 16, suggesting that I personally displayed a flippant attitude regarding his proposal to ban smoking in the Lethbridge Community College, and generally attacking the integrity of the board of governors of the college. I wish to make it abundantly clear that I did not treat Mr. Dimnik's letter to the board of governors with any disrespect whatsoever, and in fact commented at the time of introducing the matter to the board that Mr. Dimnik's was a very reasonable, and well- thought out argument to preserve the rights of non- smokers. My recollection is as well that at least one and quite probably two other board members commented quite favorably on Mr. Dimnik's request. At no time during the discussion of Mr. Dimnik's letter was there any flippant remark made by myself although a rather colorful news story did appear in The Herald regarding an incident with cigar smoke. In fact that incident occurred approxi- mately one-half hour after Mr. Dimnik's letter was dealt with by the board. The board ot governors had met the issue squarely one month previous to Mr. Dimnik's correspondence and had made the determination that smoking in classrooms would be allowed only with the approval of the individual instructors. In my belief the pressure of the students within a classroom would then determine whether or not smoking would be allowed. I can only hope that Mr, Dimnik's classmates might appreciate his health concerns as he has presented them to the board and. I expect that this is the proper method for Mr. Dimnik to pursue his arguments. I do wish to make two final points. Firstly that the board does not treat lightly its responsibilities to the community as Mr. Dimnik has suggested. Secondly that I am not particularly proud of being a smoker and certainly attempt to be considerate and co-operative with all individuals, who have difficulty with smoke as my own family and friends can attest. Contrary to criticizing Mr. Dimnik however, I do feel that he has contributed a very worthwhile argument to the board and I wish to assure him and any others, that I personally do not take a flippant attitude towards any board business. R. F. BABKI Chairman LCC Board of Governors Onion, garlic cure It is a disgrace that smoking is tolerated in the classroom. Certainly, people should be free to do as they please as long as it is not offensive to others. Just because many indulge does not make the habit less offensive to nonusers. Schools are places where people learn to get along with others. When reason fails it is necessary to prove the point in a manner that the ignorant becomes educated. I suggest the onion and garlic cure. Let the nonsmokers eat onions and garlic in class. The users, like the smokers, will find no discomfort in the smell because they will be used to it. I believe the whole class would soon vote for clear air. M. E. SPENCER Cardston SO THEY SAY "There has always been a question around here (Washington D.C.) about whether it was better to have an honest naive man or an intelligent and cunning manipulator, and (Vice- president Gerald) Ford has demonstrated that he is not very smart but that he is honest." James Reston, New York Times commentator. The Lethbridge Herald 504 7th St. S. Lethbridge, Alberta LETHBRIDGE HERAI D CO. LTD. Proprietors and Publishers Second Class Mail Registration No. 0012 CLEO MOWERS. Editor and Publisher DON H PILLING Managing Editor DONALD R. DORAM General Manager ROY F. MILES Advertising Manager DOUGLAS K. 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