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Lethbridge Herald (Newspaper) - April 17, 1970, Lethbridge, Alberta EDITORIALS Maurice Western Other Languages There are two official languages in Canada: English and French. These are primary languages of the two largest groups of people in the country who are also the descendants of the founders of the nation. While many other languages are spoken by minority groups in the country they have not been accorded official recognition. Nevertheless they are recognized as important and the study of them is encouraged. The fourth report of the royal commission on bilinguafism and bi-culturalism, dealing with-cultural contributions of ethnic groups, has some good recommendations. It recommends that the teaching of languages other than English and French, and cultural subjects related to them, be incorporated in the public school program - where there is sufficient demand. Study in the field of broad" casting in other languages has been recommended for the Canadian Radio-Television Commission. Further work by the National Film Board in producing its films in languages other than English and French is recommended. Those who have tended to be critical of the commission on biling-ualism and biculturalism for seeming to concentrate almost exclusively on the language and culture of the two founding people should be mollified - if not silenced - by this fourth report. It is fair and proper that there should be appreciation of other languages and cultures as well as encouragement of their study - without giving them the status of official languages in the nation. Shaky Suppositions A .Washington correspondent has described a recent speech by U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Chairman J. W. Fulbright as "one of the most disreputable utterances by any American in the last four decades." The subject of Senator Fulbright's speech was Indo-China and in it he said he believed ideology was irrelevant to the peoples of the troubled lands. In his attack on Senator Fulbright, the correspondent said the facts.belie the notion the people of South Vietnam are unconcerned about communism. Then he cited two "facts*' as evidence. "It cannot be credible anywhere that South Vietnam's military dead (numbering 103,980) have died in battle or elsewhere only because they were driven to fight by a series of wicked Saigon governments - or an overbearing U.S. presence. Real, widespread opposition to Hanoi's dominance is undeniable." "Hanoi's endless appeals for wider support have fallen mostly on deaf ears. Can anyone truly believe that, Ready To Fight Nigeria has taken no steps to scale " ~ war-weary as they are, the South Vietnamese citizenry and army could not topple the Saigon government in a flood of unrest if they are as indifferent to their rulers as Fulbright says." Well, these facts are countered somewhat by other evidence. Elections were not held in South Vietnam because - it appears ~ there was fear the people would vote Communist. What other conclusion can be drawn knowing that U.S. President Dwight Eisenhower had expressed such a view? And, what is the meaning of the pacification program if the villagers were so immune to the blandishments of the Communists? The "facts" cited by the correspondent are obviously suppositions and shaky ones at that. There is room for doubt that the South Vietnam military dead were whole-heartedly engaged in fighting or that there is not discontent with the Saigon government because it has not been toppled. down the strength of its army since the end of the civil war. Its strength is put at between 200,000 and 250,-000 men which makes it the biggest and probably the best-equipped military power in Black Africa. The most obvious reason for failure to demobilize the army is that the work force in Nigeria cannot absorb the men. Leaders in the state may very well reason that it is easier to keep the men under arms than face the problems posed by massive unemployment. Yet there is a lurking suspicion that the army.may be remaining at strength to be ready, to take an active part in settling the racial issue in southern Africa. Remarks by two top officials in Nigeria give some support to this suspicion. Chief Anthony Enahoro, the Government's principal war-time spokesman and Federal Information Commissioner, said recently, '. . . it is evident that the final resolution of the color question in the southern part of the continent may place a duty on Nigeria to play a prominent role involving the commitment or deployment of some of our resources/ The Nigerian Army's Chief-of-Staff, Brigadier Usman Katsina, said he believed Nigeria should be ready to fight for any African country on the platform of the Organization of African Unity. It seems unlikely that Nigeria would contemplate military intervention in Rhodesia or South Africa. But in view of the fact that the remarks of the two officials came in the wake of incessant newspaper and radio calls for the use of force in topplhig the white minority regimes, feelings of anxiety on the part of whites in those two countries would be understandable. Art Buchwald WASHINGTON - I can now reveal why " President Nixon made his bitter attack on the Senate after the Judge Cars-well defeat. From talking to inside White House sources and putting bits and pieces together, I have learned that this is what happened. Wednesday night after Carswell had been defeated, everyone in Washington had gone to bed except the president at the White House and Martha Mitchell at the Watergate, who was still trying to rouse someone at the Arkansas Gazette. The president was in a despondent mood end was pacing up and down his bedroom, when out of the clothes closet came the Old Nixon. The Old Nixon seemed jubilant. "Well, you see what happens when you're Mr. Nice Guy."/ "Ob, go away," the New Nixon said. "You always come around to gloat when something goes wrong." The Old Nixon said, "You wouldn't listen to me, would you? You wanted to remain above politics, a statesman, a man of all the people. I told you it Wouldn't work." "How could I do otherwise?" "You thought you could let Splro do all the name calling and the mud slinging," the Old Nixon said. "But it wasn't that easy, Dicky." "What can I do now?" the New Nixon protested loudly. "Hush, you'll wake up Pat," the Old Nixon said. "This Is what you can do. You can call the press and say that both Haynsworth and Carswell were victims of' assaults on their honesty and racial beliefs because they were from the South. And you can hint that you will make it perfectly clear that anyone who voted against the Carswell appointment will be treated very roughly by the Administration. "But that's dirty pool," the New Nixon protested, "Some of the men in the Senate voted their consciences." "Haven't you learned anything since you've been in the White House?" the Old Nixon shouted, exasperated. "Now yon're going to wake up Pat," the New Nixon said. "Sorry," the Old Nixon said. "Look, Dick. What is the most important thing in the whole wide world to you?" ' The New Nixon thought for a moment. "Winning the South in 1972." , "Right. And the only way you can do it Is by publicly stating tomorrow morning that both your nominees for the Supreme Court were defeated by a concerted effort of civil rights groups and liberals because they were Southerners." "Can't Spiro do that7" "No," the Old Nixon said. "The South wants to hear it from you. If you don't show them bow mad you personally are, you can watch your whole Southern strategy go up in smoke." "I can't do it," the New Nixon said. "I'm President of the United States. It would be lowering myself to make the Supreme Court a partisan political issue." "All right," the Old Nixon said. "If you won't do it, I'll do it." "You?" "Why not? I've been holed up In that damn closet for over a year. Give me a chance, Dick." The New Nixon thought hard for a few moments. "All right," be finally said. "Go ahead, but keep me out of it." "Thanks, Dick. You won't regret this," the Old Nixon said, slapping him on the back. "Hey, let me borrow your razor. I need a shave before the press conference."' (Toronto Telegram News Service) *; 'The Quality Of Mercy Is Not Strained' On�A>-J^^jW* ^SSt^S^* �*� topreaih� burden however, the automobile saga March 31. 1969~the amount kTTAWA - As they say at get -.togethers of the automobile manufacturers, it is the greatest story since Henry made a lady out of Lizzie. The latest exciting chapter comes to us.in the annual report of that zealous and indefatigable public servant, Maxwell Henderson, Auditor General of Canada. It might ap- rjriately be entitled, how to a success in the stramger-than - fiction world of government without half trying. Before delving Into the auto record, it is important to observe that Mr. Henderson's own efforts have been rewarded with rather less success than one might hope for in the pub- lic interest Although his statistical summary shows a slight improvement when compared to 1968, the fact remains that, of his 80 recommendations and observations of last year, looking to am improvement of administrative practl ces, only three have been implemented and six partially implemented by government. Further his reasonable request for a small Increase of staff and the right to recruit staff to deal with the enormous growth in government expansion have been refused. Instead the strength of his office has been cut well below that for which funds were approved by Parliament la consequence of this and the increasing burden imposed upon him by the ingenious 'irregularities of departments and agencies, Mr. Henderson, has been unable to produce his full report to Parliament on time and [ell we have is volume one. Even so there is much in the unfinished work' to arouse the attention and interest of taxpayers. Mr. Henderson's many and Varied revelations have a common theme; public money and its misuse. Sometimes the amounts involved are small although not for that reason unimportant, given'the principle of Parliamentary control of the purse. For sheer grandeur, 'let me see now - DO we have a Jean-Louis Gagnon working here?" however, the automobile saga beats everything. A brief background may be useful for readers unfamiliar with earlier chapters. Ignoring some minor preliminaries, the story begins In January 1965 with the Canada-US. free - trade-for-audomobile-man-ufacturers pact. The glories of this agreement are now well known if not universally appreciated by impatient consumers. Motor vehicles tariff order 1965 provided that manufacturers had to meet certain tests in order to qualify for their privilege. Some failed and would thus, on a strict reading have been subject to duties. But, as Mr. Henderson- reported last year, no attempt was- ever made to collect any portion or indeed to establish with any precision the amounts owing. Instead, the Department of National Revenue, assumed that the government would eventually act on the principle that the quality of mercy is not strained. Mr. Henderson estimated last year that the amount about to drop as the gentle rain from heaven was roughly $80 millions most of it attributable to one manufacturer. As it turned out the duties were remitted by the governor in council acting under Section 22 of The Financial Administration Act. This generous action teller attracted a good deal of attention when it was scrutinized by the Public Accounts Committee. The defence was that in these matters (although not in income tax) the spirit is more important that the letter. In any case, letters had been exchanged between Mr. Drury and the Ford Motor Company which anticipated certain difficulties in realigning its facilities although it was never explained. what authority' such correspondence could or did convey to officials. In his latest, report, Mr. Henderson observes "From the evidence given it Is obvious that in determining whether or not a motor vehicle manufacturer has complied with the requirements of the Motor Vehicles Tariff O rd e r 1965, the Department of Industry Trade and Commerce and the Department of Finance follow criteria additional to those incorporated In the tariff order.. The officials of these departments when testifying before the committee appeared to placo greater emphasis on criteria which aire not included in the tariff order than on certain criteria which are included." Indeed they did. As noted above, the committee was under the impression that about $80 millions was involved. Of. this Ford accounted for some $75 million although relatively small amounts were attributable to entitlement from ministers," It now turns out that, as of March 31, 1969- the amount Involved in remission was $108,-530,000. Forgiveness was later extended to five companies who could not qualify even under the order in council. Evidently about $161,000 was at stake and Mr. Henderson reports that most of this has now been remitted. But this is not all, for we now read that the company which failed the tests for the years ended July 3, 1966, 1966 and 1967 Med Again in 1968 so the round sum is not $60 millions but an inspiring $180 millions and of this, says Mr. Henderson, an estimated $179 ^millions is applicable to this one vehicle manufacturer." It was erroneously stated in these columns last year that the Ford Motor Company bad bit the jackpot. What it hot was bonanza creek. This is not a criticism of Ford which does not have responsibility for protecting the treasury. To quote Mr. Henderson: "The absence from the tariff order of many of the criteria established ... for determining liability for duty has also led at least one manufacturer to believe that he was not required to meet the conditions of the tariff order to earn entitlement to duty free'treat ment." This is exactly what Ford said when the matter became public last year. But there is a responsibility which has been borne very lightly. For the government did not even know within millions (perhaps tens of millions) how' much it was remitting when it passed the Order hi Council. It is presumably in the dark still for the auditor general continues to complain that the Department of National Revenue does not keep adequate records. Custom and Excise aware of the criteria outside the tariff order and being faced with the sheer impracticality of collecting millions of dollars in customs duties after the end of a vehicle manufacturer's production year, should that manufacturer's production year have failed to meet the conditions of the tariff order, had bad little enthusiasm for-the precise determination of duties owing because of an impression that such duties would probably be remitted. Events to date have shown this impression to be amply, justified." One must suppose that the enthusiasm of the manufacturers for such a system - or lack of it-is absolutely bound- Tbe quality of mercy as we all know is "twice bfessd'j it blesseth Mm that gives and him, that takes." Unhappily in the automobile case him that gives, gets it from the taxpayer who gets it again in his role of consumer when he buys the latest miracle on wheels. (Herald Ottawa Bureao) ' David Humphreys Northern Ireland Seeks A Moderate Majority lAMil (flat fTl.-,, ^ * __1 . _ _ m A* m _ * *^ 9f (Second Of Three Articles) Tt ELF AST - Quietly, bver-shadowed by the prevailing emotionalism of politics, forces are building a new political structure in Northern Ireland. Success is far from assured. And some of those involved are sure that 1 will not come in the short term and not before Rev. Ian Paisley and his extremist Cause win some victories". But there is a substantial minority working to remove the present sectarian basis for Northern Ireland politics and building in its place a structure cutting across sectarian lines. In other words they want to develop a party of Protestants and Catholics working together outside religion. Any reform will have to in- , volve the Unionist Party, ruling since the partition of Ireland in 1920 with the avowed intent of keeping Northern Ireland Prot- The first Unionist Prime Minister Sir James Craig boasted that he and his party had, established "a Protestant government for a Protestant people," Nothing illustrates the complexities and difficulties' in; Northern Ireland politics better than the almost direct repetition of the slogan by the official Unionist candidate in the April 16 Banneide byelection. "Will they never learn," a moderate exclaimed in despair. Of course the candidate, Dr. Bolton Minford, was running against the Rev. Ian Paisley, beside whom be is a moderate. To make matters worse he,had displayed one of the hopeful glimmers of enlightenment that appear every now and then�ui the Unionist party. He had actually invited a. group of. Catholics to attend his rally - and they had accepted. Then he undid all the good with a remark, incredibly gauche ~ to the Catholics. But ft was highly acceptable to some of the illiberal Protestants to whom he also was appealing for votes. And the  Protestants greatly outnumbered the Catholics. Dr. Minford's initial gesture was not exactly typical of Unionist candidates. But it may be indicative of stirrings for reform within the party which, if they gain momentum could make that party more appealing to Protestants which must mean appealing enough for them to vote for it.1 The overwhelming Protestant vote is Unionist and Independent Unionist and the overwhelming opposition vote is Catholic. If all the opposition vote were Catholic  it would represent roughly 20 per cent in proportion to the number of seats in Stormont. The Catholics in fact comprise one third of the total population, 1,500,-000. , In the circumstances, it is just as well that the opposition is fragmented because a united Catholic opposition would polarize the sectarian nature of politics even more than it is. The single most hopeful sign in the Unionist Party is the tough-attitude of the present Prime Minister, Major Chichester-Clark. He has laid down the law by telling his people that if they don't want to. get on with his reform program, they can find somebody else and he . will happily. go back to the farm. The knowledge that this threat if carried out would bring on a serious clash with Westminster, possibly even the abolition of Stormont in favor of direct'rule, keeps the party reasonably in line, but doesn't eliminate the local motions of no-confidence at the Unionist constituency organizations. Major Chichester-Clark has been unfariiy regarded as a caretaker, compromise prime minister. He took office during the crisis of April 1969, after O'Neill bad been forced out, and within a year passed major reforms, more sweeping than all the reforms of the previous 50 years. The biggest, basic, and most needed reform of all, the reform of the party structure, has not been attempted. The central power of Unionism lies in a council with delegates outside organization, most importantly, the Orange Order. Orange Lodges send 12 per cent of delegates to the council. Any meaningful reform will mean severing the official links with the Orange Order, an effective' instrument of Protestant supremacy and Catholic oppression in Ireland since the early Nineteenth Century. Asked recently whether he would be prepared to do this, Major Chichester-Clark, replied that it would not reasonable for the party to cut away an ob- � viously large segment of its support. He was not being asked to alienate support but merely to cut away the official links with the organization of that support. But Major Chichester-Clark realizes that cutting off the order will mean antagonizing many people, already-restless because of his reforms. Softly, softly, is the only style capable of success. Beside the Orange membership, upwards of 50,000, the mere 8,000, many moderate Unionists, who have joined the New Ulster Movement appears to be a small minority. But while many of the 50,000 are nominal members, turning out on the right public occasions and little more, the 8,000 are different. ' They include many influential people in the community, prepared to work towards a new society. Small "u" unionists, they are second only to the official Unionist party in size as a political organization. Their method is educaton and pressure rather than direct political action. They support moderate candidates against extremists and they have branches or allies in. 47 constituencies for that purpose. They hold training schools, bringing Protestants and Catholics together, many for the first time to discuss politics. The New Ulster Movement has had limited impact so far but it may prove to be an important instrument of reform. It Is not fielding candidates and can therefore fit into a re-formed Unionist party. The Unionist Party does not reflect the moderate majority, even among Protestants; it rather mirrors the Protestant activists. If this theory is correct, reform will necessarily involve many people, Protestant and Catholic, not now politically involved. The' objective w31 be to realize the potential of a moderate majority which in political terms does not now exist Only then will lasting stability return as a result of fair representation of both sides of the community in a majority party in Stormont. (Herald London Bureau) LOOKING BACKWARD THROUGH THG HERALD 1920 - Charges of wilful murder were brought against Lloyd George, British prime minister in the verdict of the jury into the inquest over the death of Mayor McCurtain, of Cork, Ireland. The verdict also charges Viscount French, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Ian McPhearson and several police inspectors with murder. 1930 - The Chicago Examiner says a peace agreement has been signed to bring an end to war between gangs in Chicago. The various gangs have "pooled their interests and amalgamated for orderly control of gambling, booze and vice" with Al. Capone the leader of .the united gang. 7 1940 - The legislature gave third reading today to the government bill granting Quebec! women the right to vote in provincial elections and to be eligible as candidates for legislative seats. 1950 - The Vatican press office denied today that the Roman Catholic hierarchy of Poland has signed an agreement with the Polish Communist government. Warsaw announced such a pact two days ago. 1960 - Total revenue to the city from^feartwo Lethbridge cemeteries during the first three months of 1960 totalled $5,168 according to recent reports made by the Parks and Recreation Commission. The lethbridge Herald 504 7th St. S, Lethbridge, Alberta LETHBRIDGE HERALD CO. LTD., Proprietors and Publisher! Published 1905 - 1954, by Hon. W. A. BUCHANAN Second Clan Man Registration Number 0012 Member of The Canadian Preja and the Canadian Daily Newipapar Publishers' Association and the Audit Bureau of Circulation* ' CLEO W. MOWERS, Editor and .Poblltner THOMAS B. ADAMS, General Manager > JOE BALLA Managing Editor ROY F. MILES Advertising Manager WILLIAM RAT Associate Editor DOUOLA8 K.' WALKGS Editorial Page Editor ."THE HERALD SERVES THE SOUTH" ;