Page 1 of 2 Oct 1860 Issue of Indianapolis Old Line Guard in Indianapolis, Indiana

Indianapolis Old Line Guard October 2, 1860 Page 1 old newspaper archives

Want a high-quality poster of this page? Add to Cart

Read an issue on 2 Oct 1860 in Indianapolis, Indiana and find what was happening, who was there, and other important and exciting news from the times. You can also check out other issues in The Indianapolis Old Line Guard.

Browse Indianapolis Old Line Guard

How to Find What You Are Looking for on This Page

We use Optical Character Recognition (OCR) technology to make the text on a newspaper image searchable. Below is the OCR data for 2 Oct 1860 Indianapolis Old Line Guard in Indianapolis, Indiana. Because of the nature of the OCR technology, sometimes the language can appear to be nonsensical. The best way to see what’s on the page is to view the newspaper page.

Show OCR

Indianapolis Old Line Guard (Newspaper) - October 2, 1860, Indianapolis, Indiana The Constitution the Union and the Equality of the states vol. , iivd., tuesday october 2, 1860. No. 33.the old line guard. Is published pm i Xiv e e a 3j Yat i w Diana l on s. Indiana by eld Elf a pc ii ashness. T e if. Ivi until Flor tic presidentla.1 election. In Advance in All cases. Advertisements inset cd at the usual attorney general of the United states is. The Little giant s squatter sovereignty. _ we extract the following sound and Able exposition of the errors and absurdities of squatter ism from a pamphlet entitled Quot observations on senator Douglas views of popular sovereignty As expressed in Harper s Magazine for september 1859,&Quot from the pen of judge Black attorney general of the United states ii. To had a right to expect from or. Douglas at least a Clear and intelligible definition of his own doctrine. We Are disappointed. It is hardly jux Syible to conceive anything Niobe difficult to compre Liend. We will transcribe it again and do Arhat can be done to Analyse it Quot those who believe that the Constitution of the United states neither establishes nor prohibits slavery in the states or territories beyond the Power of tie people legally to control it but leaves tie people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their Domestic institutions in their own subject Only to the Constitution of the United states Quot the Constitution neither establishes nor prohibits slavery in the states or territories. If it be meant by this that the Constitution does not prop Ria Vigore either emancipate any Man s slave or create the condition of slavery and impose it on free negroes but naturally and necessarily from their education and habits of thinking. They cannot help it any More than an honest Man in the North can avoid abhor ring a thief or House breaker. The jurists legislators and people of the Northern states have always Sac redly respected the right of property in slaves held by their own citizens within their own jurisdiction. It is a remarkable fact very Well Worth noticing that no Northern state Ever passed any Law to take a negro from his master. All Laws for the abolition of slavery have operated Only on the unborn descendants of the negro race and the vested rights of masters have not been disturbed in the North More than in the South. In every nation under heaven civilized Semi barbarous or Savage where slavery has existed in any form at All analogous to ours the rights of the masters to the control of their slaves As property have been respected and on no occasion has any government struck at those rights except As it would strike at other property. Even the British parliament when it emancipated the Avest India slaves though it legislating for a people three thousand Miles away and not represented never denied either the Legal of he natural right of the slave owner. Slaves were admitted to be property and the government acknowledged it by paying their masters one Hundred million. Of dollars for the privilege of setting them free. Here then is a species of property which is of transcendent importance to the material interests of the South which the people of that Region think it right and meritorious in the eyes of got and Bod men to hold which is sanctioned by the general a poise of All Mankind among whom it has existed which Legal Only a Short time ago in All of the states opt he Union and then treated As sacred by every one of is guaranteed to the owner As much As any other property is guaranteed by the Constitution and sir. Douglas thinks that a territorial legislature is competent to take it away. We say no the us reme legislative Power of a Sovereign state alone can deprive a Man of Liis property. This proposition is so Plain so Well established and so universally acknowledged that any argument in its favor would be a Mere waste of words. Or. Douglas does not deny it and it did not require the thousandth part of his sagacity to see that it undeniable. He claims for tie territorial government the right of confiscating private property on the ground that tho.5e governments Are Sovereign have an uncontrollable leaves the a question of every Black Man s status in the Independent Power Over All their internal affairs. Terri tones As Well As in the states to be determined a Point which he thinks is to split the democracy and impale the nation. But it is so entirely by the local Law then we admit it Abr it is the very same proposition which we have been trying to prove. But if on the contrary it is to be understood As an assertion that the Constitution does not permit a master to keep his slave or a free negro to have Iii Liberty in All parts of the Union where the local Law does not interfere to prevent it then the error is not Only a very grave one but it is also absurd and self contradictory. The Constitution neither establishes nor prohibits slavery in the states or territories Herond the Power of the people legally to control it. This is sailing to Point no Point again. Of course a subject which is legally Conti rolled cannot be beyond the Power that controls it. But the question is what constitutes Legal control and when the people of a state or territory Are in a condition to exercise it. The Constitution of the United states leaves the people Pei factly free Atid subject Only to the Constitution of the United states. This carries us round a full Circle and drops us precisely at the place of beginning. That the Constitution leaves everybody subject to the Constitution is most True. We Are far from denying it. We never heard it doubted and expect we never will. But the statement of it proves nothing defines nothing and explains nothing. It merely darkens the subject As words without meaning always do. But notwithstanding All this circuit of expression and consequent opaqueness of meaning in the Magazine article of or. Douglas we think we can guess what Iii opinions Are or will be when he comes to reconsider the subject. He will admit at least he will not undertake to deny that the status of a negro whether of servitude or Freedom accompanies him wherever he goes and adheres to him in every part of the Union until he meets some local Law which changes it. It will also be agreed that the people of a state through their legislature and the people of a territory in the Constitution which they May Frame preparatory to their admission As a state can regulate and control the condition of the subject Black race within their respective jurisdictions so As to make them Bond or free. But Here we come to the Point at which opinions div of. The provision of a state Constitution or by the act of a state legislature while others contend that an in erroneous that it must vanish into thin air As soon As it comes to be examined. A territorial Gove rejment is merely provisional and temporary. It is created by Congress for the necessary preservation of order and the purposes of police. The Powers conferred upon it Are expressed in the organic act Wlinich is the charter of its existence and which May be changed or repealed at the pleasure of Congress. In most of those acts the j Ower j has been expressly reserved to Congress of revising j the territorial Laws and the to repeal them exists without such reservation. Tin s asserted in the Case of Kansas by the most distinguish Eil senators in the Congress of 1856. Tie president appoints the governor judges and All other officers who a appointment is not otherwise provided for directly or indirectly by Congress. Even the expenses of the territorial government Are paid out of the Federal Treasury. The truth is they have no attribute of sovereignty about them. The essence of sovereignty consists in having no Superior. But a territorial government has a Superior in the United states government upon whose pleasure it is dependent for its very existence in whom it lives and moves and has its being who has made and can unmake it with a breath. Where does this Sovereign authority to deprive men of their proper in come from this transcendent Power which even despots Are cautious about using and Wlinich a constitutional monarchy never exercises a How does it get into a territorial legislature surely it does not drop from the Clouds it will not be contended that it accompanies the settlers or exists in the territory before its organization. Indeed it is not to the people but to the government of a territory that or. Douglas says it belongs. Then Congress must give the Power at the same time it gives the territorial government. But not a word of the kind is to be found in any organic act that Ever i amed. It is thus that or. Douglas argument runs itself out into nothing. But if Congi Ess would pass a statute expressly to give this sort of Power to the territorial governments they still would not have it for the Federal govern.,.meet itself does Noti possess any control Over men s verge. Some insist that no citizen can be deprive property in the territories. That such Power does f his property in slaves or in anything else except by not exist in Quot the Federal government needs no proof or. Douglas admits it fully and freely. It is besides established by the solemn decision of Congress limited control Over private rights Mav be exercised 1assentof the executive by the Dii act Ratific by a Lerr tonal legislature As soon As the Earhest set of the people acting in their primary capacity at the polls. In addition to All this the supreme court 50 Stron Are the sentiments of or. Douglas m a adjudged it to be an unalterable a of the latter Doctone that it it be not established undeniable Rule of constitutional Law. Threatens us with or. Seward s Quot irrepressible con up. A a a that run Crpss in Row a elements Are made. So Vor he threatens us with Xor Seward s Quot con acknowledgement that Congress has no Power Elict which shall end Only with the Universal abolition authority or jurisdiction Over the subject literally or the Universal Dominion of Slavey. On the other Douglas to give up his doctrine or else to hand the president the judges of the supreme court maintain it by asserting that a Power which the Feder ii Ariy All the democratic members of Congress the a a Borer Merit docs not possess Mav be Given by con whole of the party South and a very Large majority i Foj territorial a overment. The right to Abo North Are penetrated with a conviction that no such african slavery in a territory is not granted by Power is in a in tonal legislature and that the Constitution to Congress it is withheld and desire to confiscate private property of any j the same As if prohibited. Yet wait until they get a c institutional a a a Quot i Las declares that Congress May give it to those who kind must mention or the machinery of a state government into it or. Doug the Territo nay he goes further and says that the cant of their hands. A a venture to give the following Rea i in Congress is the very reason Why it can soil for believing that or. Dou As is in error _ j a Elette it the general Rule in his opinion being the supreme court has decided that a Terri tonal Tomt Congress cannot de Letiate the Powe Isit possesses a., 1 a a. A Tou uiting proposition is actually made not in jest or Douglas May do what he pleases with political Conven a. Solemnly seriously and no doubt in perfect tons and party platforms but we Trust he will give to j a p,in,.ipie, As Congress cannot sex the supreme court at least that decent respect Winch Power to make an sex Facto Law or a none but the most Ultra republicans have yet with impairing the obligation of contracts therefore it May author ize such Laws to be made by tie town coun the right of property is pred and the first object oils of Washington City or the Levy court of the Dis of All human government is to make it secure. Life i strict. If Congress passes an act to hang a Man with is always unsafe where property is not fully protected i out trial it is void and the judge will not allow it to upon him dragged him to the Block and severed his upon the general government which Are in their a head from his body. At a still later period another j Ture judicial or executive. With them Congress can Monarch for a Kindred offence driven out of the do nothing except to see that they Are executed by country and died a fugitive and an outcast. Our own i the proper kind of officers. It is also True that con revolution provoked by that slight invasion upon Gess has certain legislative Powers which cannot be the right of properly which consisted in the exaction i delegated. But or. Douglas should have known that of a trifling tax. There is no government in the be not about j Owers which belonged to world however absolute which would not be disgraced. Either of these classes but about a legislative Juristic and endangered by wantonly sacrificing private prop-1 Tion totally forbidden to the Federal government erty even to a Small extent. For centuries past such and incapable of being delegated for the in Nile reason outrages have ceased to be committed in times of each that it does not constitutionally exist among civilized nations. Will anybody say that Sacii a Power ought As a slaves Are regarded As property in the Southern i matter of policy or for reasons of Public safety a to be states. The people of that Section buy and sell and held by the provisional governments of the Territo carry on All their business provide for their families i Ries ? undoubtedly no True Patriot nor no Friend of and Mike their wills and Divide their inheritances on that Assumption. It is Manifest to All who know them that no doubts Ever Cross their minds about the rightful Ness of holding such property. They believe they have a direct warrant for it not Only in the examples of the Best men that Ever lived but in the precepts of divine revelation itself and they Are thoroughly satisfied that the relation of master and slave is the Only one which can possibly exist there Between the White and the Black race without ruining both. The people of the North May differ from their fellow citizens of the South on the whole subject but knowing As we All do that these sentiments Are sincerely and honestly entertained we cannot wonder that they feel the most unspeakable indignation when any attempt is made to interfere with their right. This sentiment results Justice and order can deliberately reflect on the probable consequences without deprecating them. This Power Over property is the one which in All governments has been most carefully guarded because the temptation to abuse it is always greater than any other. It is there that the subjects of a limited Monai Chy watch their Kings with the greatest jealousy. No Republic has Ever failed to impose strict limitations upon it. All free people know that if they would remain free they must compel the government to keep its hands off their private property and this can be done Only by tying them up with careful restrictions. Accordingly our Federal Constitution declares that Quot no person shall be deprived of his property except by due process of Law Quot and that Quot private property shall not to taken for Public use without just it ii universally agreed that this applies Only to the a Xenno of the Power by the government of the United states. We Are also protected against the state governments by a similar provision in the state constitutions. Legislative Rol it Ery is therefore a crime which cannot be committed either by Congress or any state legislature unless it be in Flat rebellion to the funi3amental Law of the land. But if the territorial governments live this Power then they live it without any limitation whatsoever and in All the fullness of absolute despotism. They Are omnipotent in regard to All their internal affairs for they Are sovereigns without a Constitution to hold them in Check. And this omnipotent sovereignty is to be wielded by a few men suddenly drawn together from All parts of America and Europe unacquainted with one another and ignorant of their relative rights. But if or. Douglas is right those governments Haye All the absolute Power of the russian autocrat. They May take every kind of property in Mere Caprice or for any purpose of Lucre or malice without process of Law and without providing for compensation. The legislature of Kansas sitting at Lecompton or Lawrence May order the miners to give up every ounce of Gold that has been dug at Pike s Peak. If the authorities of Utah should License a band of marauders to Emigrant ii crossing the territory their Sovereign right to do so cannot be questioned. A new territory May be organized which Southern men think should be devoted to the culture of Cotton awhile the people of the North Are equally certain that grazing alone is tie proper business to be carried on there. If one party Ivy Accident by Force or by fraud has a majority in the legislature the negroes Are taken from the planters and if the other set gains a political Victory it is followed by a statute to plunder the graziers of to Weir cattle. Such things cannot be done by the Federal government nor by the governments of the states but if or. Douglas is not mistaken they can be done by the territorial governments. Is it not every better to wait until the new inhabitants know themselves and one another until the policy of the territory is settled by some experience and above All until the great Powers of a Sovereign state Are regularly conferred upon them and properly limited so As to prevent the Gross abuses which always accompany unrestrained jux wer in human hands ? a a we insist that an Emigrant going into a Federal territory retains his title to the property which he took with him until there is some prohibition enacted by lawful authority. Or. Douglas cannot deny this in the face of his new Orleans speech and the overwhelming reasons Avrich support it. It is an agreed Point among All democrats that Congress cannot interfere with the rights of property in the territories. It is also acknowledged that the people of a new state either in their Constitution or in an act of their legislature May make the negroes within it free or hold them in a state of servitude. But we believe More. We believe in submitting to the Law As decided by the supreme court which declares that a territorial legislature cannot any More than Congress interfere with rights of property in a territory that the settlers of a territory Are bound to wait until the Sovereign Power is conferred upon them with proper limitations before they attempt to exercise the most dangerous of All its or. Douglas denies this and there is the new Issue. Why should such an Issue be made at Sulci a time ? what is there new to excuse any Friend of peace for attempting to stir up the bitter Waters of strife a there is no actual difficulty about this subject in any territory. There is no question upon it a ending before Congress or the country. We Are called upon to make a contest at once unnecessary and hopeless with the judicial authority of a nation. We object to it. We will not obey or. Douglas when he demands us to assault the supreme court of the United states. We believe the court to be right and or. Douglas wrong. O o extract from speech of Hon. Caleb cd Shiing at Boston sept. 12. Do any practicable and honorable Means exist by which the election of Lincoln May be prevented i think such Means do exist that is Means to elect a constitutional and National candidate by the votes either of the electoral College or of the House or the Senate. Let us see. We know that in the fifteen Southern states casting one Hundred and Twenty electoral votes or. Lincoln cannot obtain a single vote. The whole number of electoral votes is three Hundred and three of which one Hundred and fifty two Are a majority. It needs therefore out of the one Hundred and eighty two Northern votes to take away from in. Lincoln but thirty two which with the one Hundred and Paventy at the South which he can by no possibility get would prevent his election and if the one Hundred and Twenty Southern votes with the thirty two Northern could be cast for the same person that person would be president or if divided among two or More persons then the election would devolve in the first instance on the House of representatives. I cannot Stop to calculate Here the series of consequences if the result in the first instance should be merely to defeat or. Lincoln. Suffice it now for me to say that inconvenient As such a result might be and doubtful As it would be in its ultimate effect whether to produce the election of one of the presidential opponents of or. Lincoln by the House so in default of election by the House to raise one of the vice presidential candidates to the presidency by election of the Senate inconvenient and doubtful As All this is still it is one Chance of escape from evil and As such is a contingency fit to be considered. Therefore it is that Little As i find to approve in the candidature of or. Bell and much As i find to condemn in the candidature of or. Douglas i frankly confess that if it were in my Power to discover anywhere thirty two electoral votes possible for either of them or if such thirty two votes were in my hands to cast at will i would willingly have them Given to or. Bell or or. Douglas unless being cast for or. Breckinridge they would elect or. Breckinridge. But i declare i do not see How or where in All the Northern states either or. Bell or or. Douglas is to obtain a single electoral vote or How it possible at any time that either of them should have obtained a single Northern vote save and except by the Aid and the help of the friends of or. Breckinridge. I am not now discussing the political character or pretensions of either or. Bell or or. Douglas. I merely state an opinion As to availability. That opinion is strikingly confirmed by the late elections in Vermont and Maine which show that or. Bell has no strength there and or. Douglas no special or personal strength Over and above the Meie strength of the democratic party. That is to say the democratic party would Piave done at least As Well in Vermont and Maine and i think better with any other democratic favorite for the presidency. In Fine As to or. Douglas my opinion is that if he had been nominated at Baltimore with regularity of form and substance so As to make him the True party nominee which he not or even if he had been nominated without opposition at Charleston he could not have carried a single Northern state nor More than one Southern. I think his own Confidence of self assertion and the Zeal of partisans had gotten up for him a semblance of personal strength at the North which he never possessed in fact that his particular dogmas possess no strength whatever at the North and have from the beginning constituted a sufficient insurmountable bar to his carrying a single Southern state except perhaps Missouri. With or. Douglas regularly in the Field or. Lincoln would have swept the whole North and some other person might have been nominated at the South competent to sweep the whole South. At any rate in the present state of things the election of or. Douglas either by the electoral colleges or by the House is a condition manifestly and undeniably out of the limits of All moral possibility and his candidature serves no purpose save Only to distract the democratic party in some of the Southern states and in those few of the Northern states in which there Bany i possibility otherwise of defeating or. Lincoln. Then As to or. Bell. In the first place what Northern state can he carry ? i do heartily and sin a Cerely wish i could see one but i do not Vermont and Maine have already spoken for themselves decisively on that Point. In All the rest of new England or. Bell Lis no show of strength out of Massachusetts. Can he carry Massachusetts will Massachusetts ac-1 Cord even the poor Boon of her vice presidential vote i to the highest and Foremost of her living statesmen j Edward Everett would that she might i will not say a single word to chill the ardor of a single i citizen of Massachusetts who entertains the Hope. What next ? possibilities of half a dozen votes More or less to grudgingly conceded to or. Bell it May be in Conjoint electoral ticket by the friends of or. Breckinridge and or. Douglas in new York and possibilities of a couple More of votes of the sort in new Jersey. And that is All for neither in Penn Lva i Nia nor in any of the states of the Northwest or of the Pacific is there the faintest Shadow of a show of electoral votes for or. Bell ? he therefore cannot get the thirty two needed Northern votes necessary to elect him if he had in his hands the whole South. Who then is to carry the South the whole South if either of the candidates can do this he will a proach so near to an election that he May reasonably Hope for i the additional 32 votes at the North to be Given to him or at All events to be cast against or. 1 we have already seen All the world sees and knows a that or. Douglas has no electoral show at the South i outside of Missouri. If As some of his partisans inthe Southern states professedly intend to do they de Sert the democratic party to vote for in. Bell they will destroy or. Douglass without benefiting or. Bell. Strangely fallacious expectations Are founded on this by the friends of or. Bell in Massachusetts i All assuming that the Southern i states in a body Are to be frightened into voting for or. Bell by the imputed disunion sni of air. Breckin Ridge. I confidently believe that these devices of fac j Tion will fail and that the democratic party of the i South will be victorious Over All enemies and return i its unanimous vote for air. Breckinridge. But How s Ever that May be i know that or. Bell cannot Possi a Bly be elected president. What remains ? i say that dealing now Only with j the question of election by electoral colleges or. Breckinridge and he alone exhibits any chances or i possibilities of Success against i in. Lincoln. You know Well that i earnestly desire and shall do a All in my Power to promote the election of or. Break i in Ridge either by the electoral colleges or by the House of representatives. I support him As the Only i True expression of the constitutional party opinions j either of the democratic party or of the country As j the Only True nominee of the democratic states and As the Only True representative of the democratic i electors of the democratic states. But a a a port i him also and above All because in my opinion the Sii a port of i m is the Only direct Means of defeating the Republican party counteracting its Union Stith i tonal Aims and a a objects and inverting disaster fro the Union. J i say with Confidence there is no other j path of safety but this. The candidature of or. Douglas serves but to Divide the democratic party j he cannot be Csc cod. The candidature of air. Bell serves but the purpose of dividing the South he can not be elected. Air. Breckinridge and he alone can i if properly supported carry the South and in that Case there is Good cause to exert ourselves with fair prospects of Success to obtain for him the additional thirty two votes in Pennsylvania new Jersey Cali fornia and Oregon if not in new York and so to make him president. To commence then let the fifteen Southern states be United themselves in opposition to their sectional i enemies let them cease to exhibit the self Kunii listing j spectacle of discord at Home let them not by their j intestine quarrels be the Means of delivering up them-1 selves and All the North who sympathize with them. I As common victims to the assailants of the Constitution and the Union. To waste their strength on three candidates As they Are now doing is but madness Mere madness. And if the people of the Southern states persevere in this course of passion and Folly let them not hereafter reproach any citizen of the Northern states for Arhat May happen. They must begin by being True to themselves and then and not until then they a complain of others if untrue to them. If they have no sense of danger or duty in their own behalf to allay their own dissensions How can they expect the sense of danger or duty in their own behalf to prevail at the North ? or let the democratic party at the South unite in the common cause of their party their Section and their country. All men perfectly Well know that of the two candidates of the democratic party there is but one air. Breckinridge who can by any possibility obtain any electoral votes in the Southern states or the Northern. In such a Case does not every consideration of Public duty of patriotism of party Faith and of Honor Appeal to the partisans of air. Douglas to desist from supporting him ? nay do not these considerations Appeal to that candidate him i self to withdraw from the Field ? would to Jod there j were some voice of remonstrance in the United states potential enough to move the ii arts and the consciences of those misguided men in the Southern states Small in number in each of them at bests who As profound friends of air. Douglas Are diligently engaged in promoting the Success of the Rej publican party in the North by distracting and dividing the democratic party at the South. If not if the South cannot act unitedly or at least the democratic party act unitedly or Best of All the democratic party conquer of itself the unnatural co Aliton in the South Between the partisans of Douglas resentfully abandoning their party and their cause if no honorable concert of the opponents of Lincoln in the North can be effected if neither of these j things can be done then All is lost except j that May be saved by manfully standing to our Opin ions and Quot our candidates and to our party friends both North and South. It will not have been the fault of or. Dickinson air. Randall air. Brady or. O Conor air. Green or air. Sehell if we lose Quot new York. It will not be the fault of air. Wise air. Alason air. Hunter air. Russell air. Garnett air. Pryor or. Lyons or air. Harvey if we lose Virginia. We democratic citizens of a Massachusetts have i our duty then and other political friends in every j state of the Union to discharge our duty to our i selves our duty to the country and we discharge j this duty in All its relations by rendering our Good j will our voice and our Suffrages to electors in the in i Terest of air. Breckinridge and or. Lane and to our state ticket nobly headed by Genei Al Butler who merits All of Trust and Honor which it is possible for us to bestow. J gentlemen i have already occupied your time Long i enough and must postpone to another Opportunity i discussion of the Points of controversy Between the different divisions of the democratic party and the relative claims and pretensions personal and political j of air. Breckinridge and or. Douglas. Upon that class of topics let Nie a one thing Liow a Ever and that is to repel with indignation and scorn the false and Calum Nious charge that or. Breckinridge and his supporters Are Dis unionists and that his cause is the cause of disunion. The attempt in certain j quarters to throw discredit on the supporters and the cause of or. Breckinridge by reason of any expres-1 Sions of or. Yancey is Uncan did and unjust As regards air. Yancey and odious and contemptible As respects or. Breckinridge. Or. Gaulden of Georgia one of the most camerons friends of air. Douglas at Charleston and Baltimore and his theme not i squatter sovereignty but the beauties of the foreign j slave Trade. Or. Alexander h. Stephens the most j conspicuous Friend of or. Douglas in a speech made not Long since also advocated the reopening of the j slave Trade. Or. Soule the eloquent advocate of or. I Doi As in Louisiana the ally and companion of Walker a Nicaragua. Air. H. V. Johnson the vice Prev dental candidate with or. Douglas has spoken the possible consequences of the election of a re re Akcan president in quite As definite terms As air. Yancey. Shall we therefore say that air. Douglas and his friends Are slave traders buccaneers and Dis unionists ? we might Well do so with As much cause and As h title decency As air. Douglis and his friends impute Dis unionism to air. Breckinridge. To the contrary of this the election of air. Breck Ridge would be the True and sure Means of perpetuating the Union for his election and that Only would Tranquiline the Southern states and dispel every image of disunion or secession whilst if he be not elected no Man is Wise enough to answer for the future and the conspicuous advocates of or. Breckinridge or. Bell and air. Douglas at the South All concur in pret listing the worst effects from the election of or. meeting at Lebanon. The meeting last saturday Well attended by Breckinridge voters who manifested the utmost enthusiasm for the great cause of the National democracy. About 1 o clock Hon. a. Scott National democratic candidate for in the seventh District wa.= introduced to the audience and in a speech of an hour and a half ably and Elo Qiu Nutly reviewed the positions of the different parties. A o Wing that while the Republican and Douglas factions both denied to the people of fifteen states their constitutional i rights in the Union and both denied the authority of the supreme court of the United states the latter after having made a solemn contract to abide its decision the National democracy sought to give to the people of All the states an equal right and interest in the common territory and upheld and sustained the decisions of the tribunal established by our fathers for the settlement of All constitutional Quot cites tons. His remarks were received with applause and evidently he Followill by senator Bright who spoke for Over an hour and listened to with the deepest attention. He reviewed the action of the Charleston and Baltimore conventions demonstrating to a certainty that air Douglas even with All his bogus delegates and forced votes never received a nomination according to the rules and of the democratic party. He did not claim that air. Breckinridge regularly nominated both nominations were irregular. But while Douglas presented As a candidate. And his platform made almost exclusively by Black Republican states i. Breckinridge nominated and his platform endorsed by nearly All the democratic states of the Union. He then showed up the recon of the Quot itinerant candidate Quot Abr the presidency and his Quot Billing Quot and Quot cooing Quot with the Black republicans for the past three years. When or. Fitch and himself were elected senators and went to take their seats. Air. Douglas with the Black republicans opposed them. Of this he did not complaint the question a judicial one and every senator bound to follow the convictions of his own judgment. But the Senate investigated the Case and solemnly decided their election Legal and valid. The Black to publicans and anti Lecompton democrats of the last legislature elected a couple of bogus senators. Henr s. Lane and a Man named Al Ccarty and sent them on to they could find no Republican who in the lace of the solemn judgment of the Senate w Ould undertake to Engineer their claims through but they did find a Man to do it and that air. Douglas. He undertook it in the Teeth of the Senate s decision and when the vote taken Only thirteen republicans could be Folind who would vote Abr it and he voted Teilh them. He alluded to the fact that at Washington where air. Douglas spent most of his time he had the fewest supporters. Of the senators most of whom had been intimately associated with him Abr years Only one supported Hin. And four fifths of the members of the House were opposed to him. The president and his Cabinet and All the sex presidents with the single exception of Lartin Van Buren were opposed to him. It had been reported that general Cass in favor of air. Douglas. He had seen that Veteran Democrat a few weeks ago and authorized to give this report an emphatic denial. Tiie general knew air. Douglas too Well to Ever give him his support. The distinguished speaker then proceeded to an examination of the platforms of the present political organizations proving to every candid mind that the positions assumed by both Lincoln and Douglas were purely sectional in their bearing and destructive of the rights and interests of one half of the Union whilst the principles represented by Breckinridge and Lane recognized the perfect Equality of All the states and the equal rights of All the citizens. He closed his remarks by alluding to the recent position taken by judge Douglas in favor of Quot a protective Tariff. He had always and i stood the democratic doctrine to be Quot buy where you can buy cheapest and sell where you can sell this doctrine of protective Tariff certainly a new article in the democratic Faith. The senator s speech internist de by frequent Bui its of applause. It the most effective speech of the canvass and made a decided impression upon those who have hitherto been wavering and we feel satisfied that its influence will be largely shown at the county Pioneer. Sept. 28. Dissolution of Douglas ism his Northern and Southern face. Look at this and thex at that. The North eks Southern face. Resolution of the to the Wickliffe Plank Ledo Ohio Douglas in the Baltimore meeting. Platform. Resolved that the that it is in amount of Power which the accordance with the Cin people May exercise in Cannati platform that Dur their Sovereign capacity ing the existence of Terri never has been is not now trial governments the and never can be a judicial measure of restriction what question and we believe Ever it May be imposed by that the people of a ter the Federal Constitution Mitory Are As perfectly Sov on the Power of the i in i Ereign and supreme in re trial legislature Over the Gard to All matters Apper subject of the Domestic retaining to their local inter lations As the same has ests As Are the people of a been or shall hereafter be state in the management finally deter mined by the of their affairs and we look supreme court of the uni upon any attempt to limit Ted states should be re or restrain the Power of spec Ted by All Good Citi the be Ojile of the of Quot Yaniz Zens and enforced with de territories in the exer promptness and Fidelity by Cise of these rights either every Branch of the Gen by Congress or the us eral preme court As a violation of the sacred principles of free the foregoing says the Richmond enquirer furnishes a just indication of the position occupied by air. Douglas Northern supporters. They proclaim to a Man that there shall m no event be any Concession on the squatter sovereignty doctrine and stand As ready to defy and denounce future decisions of the supreme court As they have already been to disregard the dred Ott decision. This is not what the Douglas men of Virginia bargained for at Charleston. A pledge submitting the question of squatter sovereignty to the Umpir of the Supi eme court there voluntarily extend by the Douglas men of the North. It now Bec Ltd nes Only too evident that this a Mere delusion and a snare and that both or. Douglas and his managers intended

Search All Newspapers in Indianapolis, Indiana

Advanced Search

Search the Indianapolis Old Line Guard Today with a Free Trial

We want people to find what they are looking for at NewspaperArchive. We are confident that we have the newspapers that will increase the value of your family history or other historical research. With our 7-day free trial, you can view the documents you find for free.

Start for Free

Not Finding What You Were Looking for on This Page of The Indianapolis Old Line Guard?

People find the most success using advanced search. Try plugging in keywords, names, dates, and locations, and get matched with results from the entire collection of newspapers at NewspaperArchive!

Advanced Search