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Indianapolis Old Line Guard (Newspaper) - July 31, 1860, Indianapolis, Indiana
R Quot a a Quot i a. U \ in pm the ill it a Constitution the Union and of be Quality of the states vol. , suday july 31, 1860, no. 6.the old line guard. Is t a x Quot a e3 a u i a "5rat i in oian a Folis Indiana. A a i? 6i is. Shall be a slave a dog state or a free t e3 it ssi.00� until Alicr Llic pc Sfa a lentil collection in Advance in All cases. Advertisements inserted at the usual rates. Speeches of Hon. Humphrey Marshall and Hon. B. F. Hallett in the oit or of on Tiik nomination of Breckinridge and Lane. Speech of Hon. Humphrey Marshall of Kentucky. Geni Lomeii a am not in the habit of receiving Calls from democratic masses but it would be an at Fec Fatiori to conceal my knowledge that Iain indebted for the Honor of this visit to your desire to hear from my own lips a confirmation of the Rumor that i will support Breckinridge and Lane at the next presidential election. I cheerfully Render my own testimony to the truth of that statement. A Lanse it might have been More prudent to defer this declaration until after a free conference with those friends in Kentucky with whom i have i heretofore acted and i by whom my past career has been so generously sustained. Others May Lavatch the direction of the let of ular current who wish to swim on its tide to a liven of Success my ambition is not for Wilace or prefer ment it no Lingher Tolian the simple Perl Romance of duty and i leave consequences to take care of themselves. I have no Hesi fiction As to the position it becomes me at this crisis to assume and i should be Recreant to my own sense of the obligation a free citizen owes to his country were i not when called upon to Advance to the occur Tancy of that position with the firmness and alacrity which import a Union of my conscience and action upon the line of conduct i mean to pursue. I gentlemen i am familiar with the Points upon which the democrats have failed to agree. They involve principles which i have frequently discussed in i Congress and out of it on the slump at Home and elsewhere. I am not now taking a stand for the first time upon those principles. I made in 1856, a some what celebrated declaration that Between James but Chanan if he were the exponent of the doctrine of i squatter sovereignty and j. C. Fremont As the exponent of the doctrine of the Wilmot proviso i would not toss up a Copper for Choice. A was then discussing the Cincinnati Platt Brm before the people and i then i saw the ambiguity which made it Janus faced presenting one View to the North and another to the South. Southern democrats did not believe they denounced my suspicions As the effect of parti j Sau rancor. I told them then that or. Douglas did not entertain the same View of the platform they did j and that one Day or another they would find All the evils which could flow from such a persistence in maintaining party lines at the expense of important principles would Quot come i ome to i must be permitted to say i did not anticipate the rupture which occurred at Charleston and was consummated at bal-1 Timora. It May sever the ties which bound the democratic party together North and South but it is a homage to a principle. It exhibits the democrats who i have nominated John c. Brick Lar de As at last Awa-1 Kenins to the facts which i have stated to them a thou Sand times and As ready to prefer sound principles to unsound party associations. J i Render them the tribute of my respect for the Choice they have made Aud i think their country will do the same. _ i fellow citizens the rupture of the democratic party i has taken place essentially on the same ground upon which the whig party went to pieces and which of a ter wards rent the american party in Twain. The same cause severed the relations of the Church North i and South. It is not astonishing that under its Force though last of All the Tower of democracy has fallen. It is evidence which a considerate people will regard that ii eke is a wide difference of principles of Cardinal vital principles that no Force of Finarty Atti action can withstand and which demands a settlement final and satisfactory. Gentlemen after the whig party went to pieces in 1852, because Northern Wiigs Quot spit upon the plat a form Quot which pronounced in Ian roof the principles of the compromises of 1850�?after the american party i severed in 1856,because Northern americans would not Jael this most baneful theme of Quot anti slavery a j tation Quot a i tried in vain in the last speech i made in Congress to evade this Issue by creating some other upon which to Divide parties until time could cure the evils which would flow from this agitation. I appealed to the Consen Active North to come to the Rescue and to refuse to follow the Republican leaders into the new Campaign under banners which had no i scrip j Tion upon their folds but antagonism to the slave hold ing states of this Union but anathema against slave holders and a affirm dance of the doctrine of an irrepressible conflict Between systems until a Homogene Rusness of labor should be established everywhere through the land. I appealed in vain. Satisfied that i could no longer Render my country service in the existing condition of things discontented to stand As i had stood for four years Between the democratic and Republican parties while both of them occupied wrong positions upon this i eat questions which involved the Equality of the states and the Equality of the people of the states i withdrew from the Public councils and returned to the More quiet walks of my profession. But i live been an anxious Spectator of tie signs of the times. Your action at Charleston and at Baltimore is so definitive that i see it must change the issues of the approaching the question comes up for a definite solution and the people of both sections find themselves in a crisis to demand the exercise of All their prudence and All their patriotism. I understand the matter thus after the delegates met at Charleston the committee on resolutions was appointed and in that committee it was pro x sed to re announce the Cincinnati plat Oiin of 1856 As the platform of principles maintained by the democratic party. But a part of that committee representing constituencies in the slave holding states asked that this announcement should be accompanied by explanatory resolutions to this purport Quot 1. That Congress has no Power to abolish slavery in the territories. Second that the territorial legislature has no Power to abolish slavery in any territory nor to prohibit the introduction of slaves therein nor any Power to exclude slavery therefrom nor any pow or to destroy or impair the right of property in slaves by any legislation Ali Tever. "2. Jie solved that it is the duty of the Federal government to protect when necessary the hts of persons and property on the High seas in the territories or wherever else its constitutional authority extends. Quot 8. Jie solved that when the people of a territory come to make their state Constino Tiona Frh Chis enact of sovereignty their admission into the Union should not depend on the question whether they choose that their state the other part of the committee refused to accede i to these propositions and on the contrary adhered to a the doctrine announced by judge Douglas which As serve the right of the people of a territory while in their territorial condition to legislate so As to exclude slaveholder from an enjoyment of their slave property in the territory and denies to Congress the Power to a extend to them any Protection a Sunset such unfriendly legislation. I i believe i have trily stated the Points of difference which ultimately severed the convention and j have presented to the county the nominations of sen Jator Douglas and of vice president it is also True that from the slave holding states Many democrats were present who refused to leave the con i mention upon these Points of i Brence regarding i them As of no consequence while others distinctly coincided with and embraced the doctrines advanced by the senator Quot from Illinois and upon these Points the i latter promised the acquiescence of the people of the slave holding states to be shown by the defeat of or. Breckinridge. The liner of the canvass Are thus drawn so As to i Call on thie eople of the slave holding states to avow j their sense their own rights in these particulars and j that Call renders it imperative in my opinion that i Ovchiy Legal voter in those states should turn aside i from other questions to act upon these which Are thus rendered Paramount for the occasion. I cannot imagine a wider mistake than those gentlemen have made who would Persia de our Northern people that the slave holding states have been indifferent to their rights in tie territories or their Equality under the i Constitution and the . I think they must find themselves in a sad minority when the Day of trial shall come if they expect that party Drill can make Quot squatter sovereignty Quot regiments out of True Softli can men. It a shall never believe until the fact is placed beyond dilute by a court of our votes that the people of thespia beholding states will be willing to write their own voluntary relinquishment of their constitutional i gifts or present themselves All naked and j oked be re the Black Republican chiefs asking to pass Quot iii Caudine no gentlemen no the ple of my Section know their rights and i they will a Fountain them. They have asked for nothing More Tolian Mere and Plain rights and my word for it Uliey win be contented with nothing less. At any rate they in a never come up voluntarily to be shorn of i Ivile. Which belong to them As equals in this common a Rene ship or throw these away by a manifestation indifference to the result when their rights Are flatly challenged. If they do How will the history of such a Csc it read ? thus it being charged by or. Dougle that the slaveholder from Kentucky can Only Lipold ups property in the common territory of the United Sltes by permission of those who first enter the Terri in and Institute order under a government established by Congress this question was referred to Kentucky. Hei self Breckinridge being the advocate before t hat people of their right to Equality for person and i0j 0ity in the territories with the people from other states. It came to pass in this state of the ease that Kentucky discarded her own son and abandoned her own pohts and took off her own civic garments and clot lied Hei self in sackcloth and ashes and went Foith in tie train of her Northern superiors crying Quot unclean a Quot i Tell Jim my countrymen there is not a slave holding state in this Union will do Liis thing. It is Folly to believe to when the voice of Kentucky shall be heard upon the a her mountains will be vocal and her valleys will ring with the cry of Union and Equality equity forever. She cannot be persuaded to indifference. Her freemen Are intelligent and spirited and they under stand what this proposition Means. They know the supreme court has decided that Congress has no constitutional a a wer to pass a Law prohibiting them from going upon the Public Domain with their property As the citizen of a free state goes there with his Wjk Sperty. They will stand by that decision for we All argued that such was the Law of our Case before the court decided it. The republicans May say to my care nothing for the decision and will not respect the court we believe they will not be Able to execute to Weir threats and we will at any rate wait for them to attempt it. But when or. Douglas preaches to us that though Congress cannot bar us from the territories it can create an instrumentality which can and will keep is out or will Render our property useless if we do go in our people Are not so stupid As to Swallow what he offers nor will they stand silently Liy and see him make a state of Case which will Cna Jfe him to say hereafter they did accept his doctrine is the True measure of their rights. A voice will you Anawro and a civil our face Lerica ism to Jris an american a but methinks i hear some one ask Why we will not Star Idit y Bell and Everett under their patriotic motto Quot quote Union the Constitution and the enforce Laws ? Quot i answer for myself because a _8 been raised among us which their plat Jjo solve and which would leave us open Quot tation and future misrepresentation. If Ipi Morats who advocate squatter sover themselves in a minority shall fuse a Vierett men to defeat Breckinridge having decided the question on Jpn Daiil Les Msj Quot i against our View of the Vaish que Peep a a e entitled in the Territo under a id a Ciup Quot a a a Quot by Evert to Yll combination under Chiary circumstances the a opposition to de mocha it \ to Ovid sustain it , for Broad generality which Pic it it Stilu final Union party a launched As it i the times. But Charleston and balt Moji hive made extraordinary Niento of question Komi d to Misin the Doug eighty Avith thu their on Ance to which in question or. Mars Liall Yew if Jiw same have you abandoned sup it John c. Breckinridge ? or. Marshall a my Are As warmly cherished by me at Tai Ever were and i shall Alimia believe tit he by interests of my county would have been Sabwro Rcd adopting an amendment of our to and limiting suffrage to citizenship Etui Wber Ai i f cannot make the Law by myself and of cow no themselves americans have abandoned thit . I am just As much an american Liis moment As i have Ever been and All the time As a am Nean i advocated in Congress and Cut of Conni a identical doctrines i advocate Here this a it i have a Hope that All Trae americans who like my love the Union will go with me now As they have Dox heretofore and by giving to or. Breckinrid a he Ai and unequivocal support will lend a helping band to the maintenance of principles which lie at the very base of the peace and Union of thew states. It May be proper since i have Beekil this questioned that i should Here that i Fin n a 8eeking to enter the democratic org Day Zatz a a. A a differ it la or. Breckinridge upon Many que Stibi a chaps of Public policy buttliere Are Many Spota Ich we agree Lave i Reat Confidence in his a no of Honor in his integrity As a gentleman and caution As a statesman in iii Freedom ii of the impulse of sudden paid i in to drop Devotion to the Union Aud his Clear pci-cepts<kil3w the right and wrong whenever he shall be Caile it to choose Between them. I have marked hip Elty in the High office he has filled under this . It has not required him to do much but Tbs re is a very High Merit and it requires i qualifications in an elevated station to do nothing we. Do it handsomely. Little men always fail at this because they cannot repress their desire to have a him in the administration. I feel that the existing condition of affairs has imposed upon or. Brick Inrid a still More responsible position than any to which has yet been called by the people. His Candida of for the presidency asserts the principles on the part of All the states of the equal partic Pancy of All the people of the states in the common Domain bought by their common blood and treasure. It asserts the constitutional rights of minorities it represses the domination of Mere numbers it enforces the great principles advocated by Clay and Webster and of which i Nave been an Humble advocate Ever since 1850. Therefore i sustain his nomination and while i take nothing Back of my own views on other questions while i ask nothing and expect nothing in the event of his Success for he has political friends nearer to him than i am. Who Are better qualified and have higher claims to an i a i say Here that in the contest As it is shaped at present he will have no Friend More Vanlint than i shall be or whose plume will be in the fight for the Assurance of that safety of the Union which has been so highly jeopardy to by Ressin Forward in this crisis those illogical Points Winch distinguish from first to last the unfortunate doctrine of Quot squatter they will never be accepted by the Southern people. Southern democrats have always denied their existence in their platform and they now stand ready to resist them. I extend the Viand of True Fellowship in the contest i will do my Best to sustain the rights which our people enjoy under the Constitution. I am no extremist i love the Union i will fight for the Union i would die for the Union i but i will never betray tip of equal rights of our people in the Union. Soberly and quietly i say to you Liat j love my wife and children who Are now in my Kentucky Home but rather would i see them turned into the Woods to live among the forests of our Hills without shelter from the storm than to enjoy the comforts which now surround them if these Are to be purchased by the surrender and sacrifice of the constitutional rights of our people. I among the humblest of that people. 1 Hope to die on the soil of Kentucky but i would prefer Tobo an exile from my native country than to live upon it deprived of my Birthright. We will have Equality. I Tell you our people will have Equality under the Constitution and no human Power no party ties no political watchwords no personal i sentiments or will make them abandon their own rights. Or. Webster embraced thir Vrh de question ten years ago. His speech in the Senate in 1850 in Twenty lines contains All we have Ever advanced upon this question of territorial sovereignty and of pro tet on to i Perty in the territories. 1 keep that speech always by me and i will close these Renia iks by Ivy Ding to you what the great Man of new England said in 1850 on these questions. Where he stood in that speech i stand now and it is interesting to observe How far Northern sentiment has advanced How steadily Southern sentiment has settled upon the Trae ground. We will not be diverted from it. We will yet maintain it firmly and with Success. The step in tie True direction in to rally upon Breckinridge and Lane without regard to party. Or. Marshall then Readith Al owing extract from or. Webster s speech Quot the argument is that syn Osk Bitt it May become necessary to it in is i Quot slavery shall Iever exp St 2� of Vns up Fli iat the amendment proper it his at Dauw Soj the Jar pose which has been signified by the a Idlemen to have spoken would be to i iii out those words Ana to say that the Tempo rial legis Tatore shall have no authority to pass any Law for establishing or excluding Quot slavery in the territory it appears to me is the upshot of the whole matter. That is very proper because i take it that the meaning of the whole is thac this question shall be Leil to the pople of the state to decide after it becomes a sovereignty by admin san a to the Union Young Brave Leader Whitee energies and known a Larneter afforded me the Hope that he would protect a property and have a proper care for my inter i a of Hought much of this question on which or. Dougla Arllys to win in the coming canvass. He would to Jiff slavery is the creature of municipal Law it goes beyond the municipal Law Quot the Quot the slave fall and he stands As free As his Ake this Case i am a geor a planter and and we Shackl master want to reside ii embark can be a pm Savannah to to a ask Chan no Mirom one slave adding state to another by wife children and servants on an Ameri and i am soon More than a Marine league from thf8jk in a on the High seas where no municipal Law p to so Here is nothing Over me but the a of try under me the deck of an american by slave free ? according to this newfangled d a j in he is and the Black say k a i for he denies the Protection of Thirft but Iiams. Douglas say he is free ? i Liat Quot my right ? the Flag. Why and How t i because by fiction of Law it floats Over the territory to Ede of my country. If this be so will not that Flag plot me in the same pro Yerty when it floats Over the actual text Oil of my country where there is no municipal Law to prohibit me from being there with my slave ? _ i say it my i would be glad to be corrected fairly in this argument if i am wrong. App Voic on the Border of the crowd Quot Hurrah for Rug Alft it Quot plug us forever Quot or. Bari Nlle a my Good Ines ids stand no and hear Send i emment and Don t Wattem to Eie ape by a hurry pc i looks like sticking to your Man in spite of Yoni Ina Mew go Bairn in for Poa the iii is your a pm open turn Beca Fec a Lake it to be Clear that it is a municipal questiott4jt is iiquc�4ion"fdr the decision of the people in , and there May be a propriety Tiv impropriety in excluding the est Tielli any Power in the territorial government for Chi i i a semen or exclusion of slavery. Quot it has been advanced amp these people while a territory have aright everything that belongs to the rights o1 i conceive tha Thev have. >4 Quot we have always gone iii >6n to ground that these territorial governments Warp a Tate of Pupillage under the Protection or Paua a of the general government. The territory legislature has a Constitution prescribed by co Greip. They live no Power not Given by that 3�gr4.v they must act within the limits of Quot the Quot Constino Tiroui granted them by con i Ess Yorr else their to Fei Joii amp of void. The people in Dei in Orriton govern me Fri not a sovereignty lift co Stit Siove Riig and do not pos any 6t the iithtft1iiiaiv\o#yei eighty. They Are if a for 11 Pliler to Pirami it i l a state of inchoate go Veit Ihunt if we Well consider this question upoififi6-Isicj to Fiona practice during the last half Century i think we will find Oiye Way of disposing of it it is our duty to a provide for the people of the territory i Gove ziment to keep the peace to Securi air property to Asan to them a subordinate Lendu Andio Rity to Asi to them a us Bordine to see that the Protection of their a iwo Saiid thew Canty of their property Are All to maintain them in Tail Kilat Vnti Tivey of into i efficient importance in pc i be admitted into the Uhi Dit pop fing with the or Al Sto Kyj qty to be that that is All our a run Anythia which Butl Minot father hts of the Loverni and Wjk a by that constr speech of Hon. B. F. Hallett of Isias a Sach setts. The Cincinnati , const Ulel by its author. Fellow citizen a my voice is from the North. I propose to say some Plain Woitas for that portion of the North who in this unhappy i Trust temporary division of the democratic party have Felt it their duty calmly and without reproach to others but firmly to take the Side of nationality of the Constitution and the Union. We have looked through the history of parties in our common country and we find that the Empire of democracy under which these states have grown from thirteen to thirty three popular Sovereign ties and have unitedly become second to no Power of the Earth Lias been sustained Only by the Union of the Northern and Southern democracy. We find that this ignited Southern and Northern democracy has achieved every Accuis Ilion of territory maintained Success inlay every War and accomplished every measure of great National policy that has marked the Progress of this people in the grand March of popular Empire and we have also found that this Union was in Langer Only when the opponents of the democratic i party have been Penni Ted briefly to hold Power by j the temporary division of the Northern and Souther ii democracy. And therefore it is that the North is i Here with the South in this movement which is to de j cide the to whom that National Flag belongs Wlinich is Broad enough to cover with its ample folds j this whole Union. I to have just come up from the divided of mails of the demo i Atic party at Baltimore. For tie first time since 1828 we have failed to unite upon men and j Moas Urt s. J but i have no Purio a or desire to censure or con Dean. I mean to utter no words of reproach or bitterness in this canvass. Opposed As we Aie now let All democrats treat each other not As vindictive one Mies but As hoping again to be friends. I take the fact just As it is a divided democratic party and not the less divided no matter who or what is to blame for j it and out of Titis trivision the country must calmly so Lect the materials Lor a to constriction of the demo cratic party on a sure foundation of the Union a just interpretation of the Constitution and an entire Abne i nation of All sectional ism and All negro sni. We think it will be founding this National nomination of Breckin a Ridge and Lane whose names and antecedents and localities Are the highest pledges of Devotion to the i Union and i Trust it will yet b i found in the reunion of the democracy before the election. J and now permit me to Point out to you the line of division which clearly Marks the two positions of the i democratic party touching the platform. I believe in platforms As essential to the very existence of political j Faith. The democratic party has always relied on platforms since the resolutions of 98, and it has never i before refused to explain its platforms when subject to a double construction. Is not that the present Condi \ Tion of the Cincinnati platform which both conventions have adopted entire ? la that connection i May say Here to night that i made All of the Cincinnati plat Foiatu which bears on this question and Thor Eirc i think i understand it. And have some Little right to of Pound it. And i affirm of that platform that it has i not nowhere in it or under it by line or sentence or i word or construction or jux Syible Conception one Par a tide of Quot squatter Quot squatter sovereignty Quot if it have any meaning i Means that the legislature of a newly organized tor Mitory at its first session can prohibit Ami destroy the right of the citizens of All the states to come into that territory or live in that territory with their slave property. But the Cincinnati Plato i denies that Power in the most explicit terms. Commencing Avith the seve Nince of big lit of the democratic electoral states from the convention at Charleston the division has been Consun Miatov at Baltimore by the seventeen democratic electoral , with five other states in i whole or in part forming what their delegates believed to be a National democratic convention and making the Only nominations that can secure the votes of those seventeen reliable states without which the democratic party cannot even Hope for Success. The. Other convention has been left without a single entire state remaining in it having an assured if indeed a hopeful. Democratic electoral vote reduced to less than two thirds of the electoral colleges even with All their admitted substitutes without constituencies and compelled to make their nomination Only by the entire i abandonment of the common Law of democratic conventions which never before went into a presidential i contest without a two thirds vote for their nominees in fact therefore there is no nomination binding on democrats according to the uni Fonn usages of the party. This disruption so momentous so painful to every Lover of his country must be for some cause. And what is that cause ? a division in part on platform but More especially a division on candidates and a forced and unjust reorganization of the convention to exclude legitimate and admit unauthorized delegates without democratic constituencies in order to change the majority. In tie preamble of the Cincinnati platform the democracy place their Trust in the Discini Mali if Justice of the american the North in the convention at Charleston and at Baltimore Poi intently a Quot no Ainey Tal Between the Lugner la denied to the South this Quot discriminating Justice Quot by republicans and the constitutional Law of the refusing to make that explanation of its misinterpreted rec Quot = of can a Democrat refuse to Al Plantation of its mister in platform wherein the South has a Plain right to know what the North Means touching the equal rights of the South in the common territory -. That has been the dividing difficulty on the platform and As to the candidate the forced numerical majority in that convention insisted upon having one Man and no other while All the rest ready to unite on any other tei is. After announcing Quot noninterference Quot by Congress As the Rule it fixes the pre Cise time when alone and not before the people of a territory can intervene and act us on slavery and that is when Foi ining a Constitution for a state. It sums up the whole Power of the territories Over slavery thus Quot resolved Liat we recognize the right of the people of the territories not the legislature whenever the number of their inhabitants justifies it to form a Constitution with or without slavery and be admitted into the Union upon Tenns of perfect Equality with the other thus it is defined that the right of the people of a territory to Settle the status of slavery begins Only when they begin to form a Constitution and not be fore. That is the Cincinnati platform Clear and pal Pable and in Nowise liable justly to a double faced construction. And it fixes this Sovereign Power of destroying or impairing property at the time of making a Constitution for a Verj sound reason. It is this Quot a territorial legislature can raise no from the a people but is itself merely the paid agent and servant Tell me not that a just and i reasonable demand that it should be explained and put upon record beyond doubt or Cavil ? such is the uniform practice in All declarations of principles in religion or politics that was All that was required touching this question of territorial Power Over the individual property rights of the settlers in a territory before it becomes a state and How can any fair minded Man say that it ought to be kept open to a double construction North and South i As honest men we could not preach the same doctrines from the same text in the same Church and therefore the democratic parly when reconstructing its platform to place a candidate upon it were bound to declare just what they meant by Quot popular sovereignty Quot As applied to the territories. This they refused to do at Charleston. This they refused to do at Baltimore unless indeed they have done it by their vague Resolution susceptible of Many constructions adopted after the Severance of the convention and after the double nominations were made and at the very close of their session when it was too late to Hai Monize. A Resolution which if it have any meaning seems to utterly renounce the very set matter sovereignty on which Thev made else division and recognizes the dred Scott decision and All present and future restrictions which the Sun Ireine court have or May jut upon territorial Power Over a i Mostic relations they have thus by a sort of indirection taken away their whole argument upon Quot popular sovereignty Quot in Iho territories. But Beible they did that they not Only adhered to their Charleston refusal to explain in the platform what they meant by Quot squatter Over eighty Quot but they so reconstructed their convention by the exclusion of Sovereign states and original delegates that to necessity was put upon the seventeen retiring states Wlinich held the democratic electoral votes to proclaim their National erred in unmistakable terms having but one meaning both North Anil South. This they have alone in a separate they reaffirm cd the Cincinnati Plit Ibrom with three explanatory Pion positions and to thase Throe Piojo is Tio is let to somewhat in detail Call your candid attention. They read As follows Quot first. That the government of a to Fri toy organized by Congress is provisional and Tein it Orar and during its existence All citizens of the United have an equal right to Settle with their property in the territory without their right.--, either of Pei son or property being destroyed or impaired by congressional or territorial legislation. Quot second. That it is the duty of the Federal government in air its departments to protect when necessary the rights of persons and property in the territories and wherever else Itji constitutional authority extends. Quot to lord. That when the settlers i l a ten Itoro having an and Etuate a population Foi a a state Constitution the right of sovereignty commences and being consummated by admission into the Union they stand on. An Eiju Al fooling with the people of Ether states and the state thus organized ought to to admitted into the Union whether its Constitution prohibits or recognizes the institution of those Are All the j propositions touching the interpretation of the Cincinnati platform. Take them in their most comprehensive sense and what do they affirm ? ii St that All citizens have an Eiju Al right to Settle with their Jiro Perty in the common territory free from All risk that to Weir rights of person or property when they get there shall be destroyed or impaired by either congressional or territorial legislation. Who will gainsay this it is Only our doctrine of nox against the rights of property extended to the Tempo rial legislature As Well As to Congress. Who will say that the Jiro Perty rights of citizens settling there from other states May be interfered with and destroyed by a territorial legislature ? to affirm this territorial Power is to declare that a territorial legislature May Rob citizens of their property without compensation. Now shall not the citizens who go with their propert to Settle in the territories be protected from the robber of a territorial legislature ? to that question this proposition saas yes. Who says nay ? the second proposition affix its the duty of the general government in All departments to protect when necessary the rights of persons and Piojo erty wherever its constitutional authority extends. And is not that an univ i Sal principle of Good government ? who says that the Federal government shall not protect persons and property wherever it has authority to do so under the Constitution ? does it affirm anything More than that it is the duty of government to exercise its constitutional functions in the Protection of persons and property and if the Power which the government is called upon to exercise be Only As in this Cao constitutional Power who can deny the right and Justice of its exercise ? it Calls for no slave code no special legislation of Congress no Tariff of Protection for slave labor. It makes no discrimination whatever in favor of slave. If slave labor in the territories be property then it is to be protected like All other property no More no less. And what Democrat denies that slave labor is property under Tow Constitution and by Force of All the decisions of the suit Rome court touching that property v the republicans deny it and therein lies the first fundamental differ enc Between the higher Law of the demo affirm that distinctive principle which divides the country upon this Issue ? the proposition is the same in substance As the Ros Ohirion i have quoted from the Cincinnati platform. It makes popular sovereignty begin with the act of making a Constitution. It sets up popular sovereignty against a vague imaginary Power in a territorial legislature to destroy property without compensation and it affirms the Only Rule of self government which under our constitutions and Laws can apply to Cem Munitic or states. And Tell me now if you can. Where does Quot popular sovereignty Quot exist under our american institutions but in the people of the states ? where is there such a monstrous a political creation to be found As a territorial with an imaginary inherent Power outside of the institutions of the states outside of the of animations of the Federal government and sub sting upon itself ? a higher Law in a territorial legislature to confiscate property than exists in Congress or in All the Dei artents of the general a government ? the Verj statement of this extraordinary assume Tiou of Power proves that it cannot exist and it is unreasonable to demand that such a Power to destroy and confiscate property of All the citizens of All the states when settling in the cd non territory Shl be explicitly disclaimed by the democratic party in its platform ? is it any better nay is it As ust As the Republican org Quot 4vgo .�ctriae�f�b�.u.c>, Power to take Jiro Perty no Power to compensate them for taking away their property. When it becomes a state it has that Sov Ereign Power and May justly exercise it because it will provide As in All state constitutions that private property shall not be taken away without and Ciliate i compensation. J but Plain As the Cincinnati platform is it has been j subject to misinterpretation and squatter sovereignty i instead of Potdar sovereignty has been attempted to be interpolated in it. This was one common sense reason Why it should be fairly explained. Moreover mention if it is followed by territorial prohibition better a congressional Law that prevent the slave owner going into a territory to Settie with his property than a territorial Law that robs him of his property soon As he has incurred the risk and expense of removing there. Fiat alien is the practical difference Between the two doctrines the republicans insist upon congressional prohibition. The Quot squatter Sov Eremity Quot sets up Tempo rial prohibition. One Pute the Ihnot proviso in Congress and the other puts it in the ter reason guv it snout of Lairy cup Irineu. Moreover a. a a a a we. there Asaju legislature. There is the whole of the argue 1. >1 _______x____1-.i,�� i ment. Docial question not decided As to the precise time when j the people of a territory should determine the slavery question for themselves under the Constitution. _ now a supreme court since the adoption of the Cincinnati platform has decided that the Power does not begin title the Constitution be a. Hence the single question for the convention at Charleston was whether they would make an explicit declaration on this Point explanatory of the True intent and meaning North and Smth of the Cincinnati pm Tonnin this respect. Now let democrats of the North be honest and Square with the South on this Point the North by signing Cotton has immensely enhanced the value of save labor to the South. They want to know it their rights with that labor Are to be if they go with it into a territories adapted to it. We cannot deny equip rights to All citizens to Settle with their property in the common territory. We must repudiate principle and repudiate the decisions of the supreme court to deny it. Neither can we deny that be labor is
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