Indianapolis Indiana Journal in Indianapolis, Indiana
5 May 1830

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Indianapolis Indiana Journal in Indianapolis, Indiana
5 May 1830

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Indianapolis Indiana Journal (Newspaper) - May 5, 1830, Indianapolis, Indiana Y vol. , wednesday May 5, 1830. No. S67. Pei listed by Douglass amp Maguire. Terms. Taro dollars Pel. Annul if paid in Advance. Three Douala at the end of the year. Advertisement a inserted at the usual debate. Extract from or it avow s speech on or. Foot a Resolution relative to the Public lands. It is Wrell understood sir that within the year of which this Day completes the Circle a great revolution has been a a felted in the pubic offices by the discharge of the Furnier incumbents and that the representatives of Many of the states Are anxious to spread upon the records Here for the Benefit of posterity As Well As of the present age the latent cause of this great executive Reform we have another motive to make the Effort to effect this. We desire that the simple facts should appear in Justice to a those who have been dismissed from Public service without charge or accusation against them. We consider this Nece Saxy As an act of Justice not Only to the sufferers but to their families their friends and their posterity. We seek to distinguish the innocent from the guilty to exhibit to Public View among the searching operations of this government How Many have been removed on the representation of secret foes or vindictive political opponents How Many have been dismissed on suspicion and How Many without suspicion and How Mary have been condemned without having been suffered to learn the nature of the accusation against them. If rumours founded in Many cases on the statements of the victims of the prescriptive system be True Many have been hurried from stations which they have filled with Honor to themselves and with advantage to the Public without the assignment of any reason for the act and in Many instances it is said the files of departments Here have been filled with foul calumnies by aspirants to office and their secret a gents without giving the accused even the formality of a trial. If this be so Here is a real inquisition to rack and torture not the bodies indeed but the Rhar Actis of men. Is it More than a act of Justice to the victims that the truth should appear the accusations against them though strictly Parte Are yet the avowed foundation of official acts of departments Here which May be resorted to by All future generations to Blacken the memory of these men and to disgrace their families when they shall be Laid in their Graves. In a government of Laws properly administered the discharge of a Public servant without any assigned reason for the act must ordinarily cast some imputation upon his character. No matter How authority has been perverted to party and personal purposes Are we not bound to Correct the evil and should we refuse to present him to this nation in his proper character at the expense of the reputation of All our fellow citizens who have been trampled under foot by the arbitrary and despotic exercise of Power will it not by said that by shrinking from the investigation we have distrusted his integrity and have shown a belief that Security was in concealment if ail has been rightly done do we not treat him a generously by refusing him an Opportunity of presenting the evidence for his acquittal at the bar of Public opinion Aye sir at the bar of Public opinion for at that bar be must stand and wait Bis sentence and his direst foe could not wish him a More certain condemnation than inevitably awaits him unless he is Beard in his defence. Let us now sir briefly in conclusion while we commemorate the Day which inducted our chief magistrate to office review the administration of the past year apply to it the test of these principles and calmly inquire whether any constitutional interposition of the Senate be requisite to Check the abuses of Power. This anniversary recalls the pledges of the inaugural address to keep steadily in View the limitations As Well As the extent of the executive authority to respect and preserve the rights of the Sovereign to members of our Union to manage by certain searching operations the Public Revenue to observe a strict and faithful Economy to counteract that tendency to private and Public profligacy which a profuse expenditure of Money by the government is but too Apt to engender to depend for the advancement of the Public service More on the integrity and Zeal of the Public officers than on their numbers and particularly to Correct those abuses which it was then charge had brought to patronage of the Federal government into conflict with the Freedom of elections and counteract those causes which had placed or continued Power in unfaithful or incompetent hands. The lateness of the hour warns me that i ought not to trespass on your attention by inquiring How far ail these pledges have been redeemed and the examination of All the topics presented by such a general inquiry might Lead me beyond the Exi Guo Fine within which i am admonished that an american senator should confine himself when speaking of an american president. But it is True and ought to be observed on this Day that our Public officers Are increased in number and not dim shed in salary that the promised retrenchment has terminated in a recommendation to establish additional bureaus with More Public agents and increased demands on the Treasury to swell to an innocent he May be no matter Wyeth almost boundless extent the influence or any charge has or has not been preferred against him yet the existence of such charges will be presumed. Under such circumstances the breath of calumny is sure to stamp his reputation even though acquired by a Long life of Public service and exemplary private conduct. The hireling libel or the prostituted wretch who May have gained the very office from which he has been removed will sound the Tocsin of slander and if the press has been generally subsidized by the government surmises of official Delin of the executive by a general Extension of the Law which limits appointments to four years and by the establishment of a Bank and that general system of proscription of Manly exercise of the right of opinion under the pretence of rotation in office has brought the patronage of the executive into full conflict with the Freedom of elections. Turning from the investigation of minor subjects which might by possibility be considered As Mere topics for partisan effect and with nobler purpose than to Subserve the Quency will be carefully propagated As pay interests of any sect or any Par a proved on file Quot until the victim loses i our attention is forcibly arrested by character As Well As office by the a instances in which these pledges Tion of executive vengeance. To what ave been so violated that their ten tribunal then should he Appeal for Justice i answer to the Senate of his country a party to the contract by which he was employed and which by fairly showing the causes of his dismissal May repeal the imputations resting on his reputation and Quot set history right Quot thus forming a Barier against the influence of a spirit of malevolence which in these latter Days As we have seen can pursue a Man to Bis grave for vengeance on his poster Ity. No Good or honorable Man will dismiss a faithful servant from his private employment without furnishing him at his request with a certificate of his Fidelity. The same Justice which we dispense in private life should be yielded to a faithful Public servant when dismissed from Public employment and unless As Public men we intend to abandon those principles which govern us in our social and Domestic relations we Are in my Humble judgment bound to entertain these inquiries. They can do no injustice to the executive. If its Power has not been wantonly abused the conduct of the government will be presented to the people in an unexceptionable Point of View. But Odthe other hand if the president s Dency if not immediately at least con sequentially and by the Force of example is subversive of the Dearest interests of our people and of the most sacred institutions of our Republic when we look to the manner in which the pledge to observe a strict and faithful Economy has been re deemed we find the expenses of government increase through the instrumentality of these rewards and punish ments for political opinion. Outfits salaries and All the incidental expenses attending the Recal of nearly the whole of our diplomatic corps and the appointment of others to Supply their places have caused Large drafts upon the Treasury and Laid the foundation for increasing demands upon it. But without dwelling to estimate Bow Many tens or hundreds of thousands of dollars have been expended in punish ing opponents or inquiring How pro Rusely the Public Bounty has been lavished upon favourites we have some thing More important to consider. We know that if funds for such purposes have been taken from the Strong Box without appropriations the president must have dipped his hands into the nation s Treasury in opposition to the which it is our duty to support. Money cannot be drawn from the Treasury except in consequence of appropriations made by Law and the Radical act of the first of May 1820, after limiting the Powers of the president in relation to transfers of appropriations in the army and Navy provides in the fifth Section that no or branches of expenditure shall thereafter be made May we not inquire now from what fund the Money has been drawn to defray the greatly increased expenses of our foreign missions these expenses were not provided for during the last session of Congress by any Law for they were not foreseen or anticipated. If then be diplomatic fund was insufficient for Lese purposes either the nation has been brought into debt to accomplish the chi or the Constitution and the Law have been violated by unauthorized drafts on the Treasury. It is certain that we Are now called upon to appropriate largely either to pay a debt incurred or to Supply a de Lici Eney in some other fund not appropriated for these expenses. If the executive can recall our foreign a Lents for party purposes or to promote friends even where no legislative appropriation has been made for these objects. Congress has virtually no control Over our foreign Intercourse and we May hereafter expect that our it ministers abroad will be withdrawn on be accession of every new incumbent of the presidency that new men will be sent to Supply their places and that the whole relations of the country with foreign Powers will be changed or thrown into confusion at the end of every four years. Admit the Power of the executive without appropriation to recall and to appoint ministers and by the operation to bring the nation in debt Jabr the Public Good yet show us How the Public Good required this increased expense. Take a Case for example and let some ingenious advocate of the administration assign a reason by our late minister near the court of St. James was recalled. Vir. Barbour had acquitted himself faithfully in every Public Trust which iad Ever before been confided to him and was at the time of his recall discharging with Honor to himself and Lis country the highest duties of his Mission. In what respect was he thought to be either incompetent or unfaithful was any new policy to be adopted in our relations with England which he would not espouse take another Case and inform us Why the Gallant Harrison the hero of fort Vleig the Victor at Tippecanoe and the thames a Veteran in Council As Well As in the Field distinguished for his Virtues in All the relations of the citizen the Soldier and statesman Why i ask was he proscribed As unfit to represent his country abroad and withdrawn from Colombia to make room for Thomas p. Moore he had scarcely arrived at Bogota the Ink was still fresh on the executive record which informed the president that it was the advice of the Senate that he should represent us there when the order for his removal was announced. Thi s could not have been done for any misconduct. There had been no time to inquire into that. Was his Fidelity distrusted then or How did the Public Good require his dismissal think you it will Tell Well in the annals of history that he who had so often per led life and limb in the vigor of manhood to secure the blessings of Liberty to others was punished for the exercise of the elective franchise in his old age sir it was an act disguise it As we May which by holding out the idea that he had lost Confidence of his country might tend to bring Down his Grey hairs with sorrow to the grave. But the glory he acquired by the Campaign on the Wabash and those hard earned victories for which he received the warm est acknowledgements of Merit from the legislature of Kentucky and the full measure of a nation s thanks in the Resolution of Congress can never be effaced and any Esbert to degrade their honoured object will recoil on those who make it until other men in better Days shall properly estimate his Worth and again cheer his declining years with proofs of his country s Confidence and gratitude. If then these acts and others of a similar character be hos tile to the spirit of the Constitution can we regard the expenditure of Public Money they have occasioned As proper redemption of those pledges which on this Day last year so much delighted us observe a strict an faithful Economy and to keep steadily in View the limitations As Well As the extent of the executive Power Quot the pledge to preserve the rights of he Sovereign members of our uni of As Ell As the defence of the administration made by the gentleman from Tennessee Lead us to the reflection that More members of Congress who were Friendly to the election of the present chief magistrate have been appointed to office by him within the Compass of a single year than have been appointed by any other president during the whole course of the administration of eight years. The consequences of this were foreseen and deprecated by the founders of our government but the provision which they inserted in the Constitution to prevent them has proved inadequate to its object. Such was the opinion of a favorite constitutional lawyer who in an address to the Tennessee legislature on the 7th of october 1825, explained this subject so fully that i shall be pardoned for producing a Large extract from that valuable state paper especially after the gentleman from Tennessee has adverted to it and made an argument upon it. With a View says he to sustain More effectually in practice the axiom which divides the three great classes of Power into Independent constitutional checks would impose a provision rendering any member of Congress ineligible to of ice under the general government during the term for which he was elected and two years thereafter except in cases of judicial office. The effect of such a constitutional provision is obvious. By it Congress in a considerable degree would be free from that connexion with the executive department which at gives Strong ground of apprehension and jealousy on the part of a people. Members instead of being liable to be withdrawn from legislating on the great interests of the nation through prospects of executive patronage would be More liberally confided in by their constituents while their Vigi Ance would be less interrupted by party excitements. Calculation from intrigue or management would fail nor would their deliberations or investigation of subjects consume so much time. The morals of the country would be improved and virtue uniting with the labors of the representatives and with the official ministers of the Law would Tenti to perpetuate the Honor and glory of the government. But if this change in the Constitution should not be obtained and important appointments continue to devolve on the representatives in Congress it requires a depth of thought to perceive that corruption will become the order of the Day amp that under the garb of conscientious sacrifices to establish precedents for the Public Good evils of serious importance to the Freedom and Prosperity of the Republic May arise. It is through this Channel that the people May expect to be attacked in their constitutional sovereignty and where tyranny May Well be apprehended to Spring up in some favourable emergency. Against such inroads every guard ought to be interposed and none better occurs than that of closing the suspected Avenue with some necessary constitutional restriction it is interesting to examine How far this administration has actually Practised on these maxims. Why within the very first year six members of the Senate being one eighth of the whole body As it was composed during the 20th Congress have been appoint red to some of the most important offices within the gift of the executive. And yet the message of this session reiterates the principles of the Tennessee letter with a slight reservation by Way of covering the Case As it now exists. By that letter judges alone might be selected from the members of Congress. By the late message we Are info nned that the necessity of securing in the Cabinet and in diplomatic stations of the highest rank the Best talents and poli tical experience should perhaps even Here we have a quere except these from the exclusion if it be perhaps necessary to change the Constitution to save us from doing wrong by not do right without the change the new reservation is a Flat departure from the maxims of 1825, and still e Ven that does not cover the acts of the executive for we have not Only Diplomatist and Cabinet ministers important officers chosen from the Mem hers of Congress within the term for which they were elected and two years thereafter but to orto7ii appointments of a very different character even in the Post office and customs continue to devolve on them convincing who have become proselytes to the ten Nessee doctrine without any great depth of thought that corruption May become the order of the Day and that under the garb of conscientious a Acri files for he Public Good evils of serious importance to the Freedom and Prosperity of the Republic May arise. But the gentleman from Tennessee who called our attention to the letter and without whose notice of it i should hardly have adverted to it says Here or. Grundy explained. He stated that he had alluded to the letter in reply to the senator from Indiana general Noble or. Clayton continued. Sir the honorable gentleman s reply was that the people ought to have changed the Constitution but that without some constitutional restraint the president was under no obligation to practise what be formerly preached. However valid that defence May appear it is not the opinion of my constitutional lawyer for in that same letter he says it is due to myself to practise upon the maxims recommended to oth thers these and similar pledges obtained for him thousands of votes during the canvass of 1828, and ought to have been redeemed. Quot when the blood Burns Hoti prodigal the Goul Quot lends the Tongue moreover it will require much depth of thought to convince us that a pres ident cannot do what he thinks right without some constitutional restriction to prevent him from doing what he knows to be wrong or that a Man of sound mind and Good disposition cannot avoid the destruction of his own family unless you treat him like a madman by tying his arms and depriving Lim of the Means of doing injury. There was however no pledge a the inaugural so striking or so important As the recognition of that obligation then said to be inscribed on the list of executive duties by the recent demonstration of Public sentiment to counteract those causes which brought the patronage of the general govern ment into conflict with the Freedom of elections. Sir your postmaster Genera wielding the patronage of Lis department Over clerks deputies contractors and agents in number a mounting to nearly eight thousand men has for political effect removed from Public employment in pursuance of a general system so vast a proportion of the old and faithful Public servants connected with that immense establishment that its resources and its energies Are impaired Public conf dance is diminished and suspicions darkening this great Avenue to Light As she spreads her Dusky Pinion Over it whispers that some of its recesses have been converted for political purposes into Joss of Espial on the private Intercourse of your citizens. The Public press too by the instrumentality of which alone this Republic might be prostrated by the instrumentality of which a president might be swelled into a Monarch has been not shackled by a gag Law no sir but subsidized by sums approximating to the interest on a million of dollars granted in the Way of salaries jobs and pensions to partisan editors printers proprietors and All the Host directly and indirectly connected with and con trolling it. The appointment of editors to office is not casual but systematic. The Fly were appointed because they were editors. In the Days of the French revolution when the press was bought up with the Public funds the country was flooded with Enven Omed effusions from the Jacobin prints. The Post of profit was then erected in the Kennel where a venal pack bayed like blood hounds for murder. Marat was distinguished As the editor of a revolutionary journal for violence and vituperation and having published his demand of two Hundred and sixty thousand Heads As a sacrifice to Liberty was soon elevated to one of the highest officers of the Republic where As a member of the infernal triumvirate which deluged France in tears and blood he combined the cunning malice of Robespierre with the native ferocity of Danton. He was a compound of the vices of both his coadjutor of All that on Earth was Flag Titus mean inhuman and inexorable for he came from the schools of a faction which trained its disciples to cry havoc without mercy when Bounty lured them up the path of blood and death. The examples of that Day teach us Bow easy is the transition from the hireling Labeller to the brutal murderer and that he whose habits have Long accustomed him to live upon the ruins of private reputation would shed the blood of his victim with pleasure if paid to do the did of death. An Independent Able High minded editor is a Honor to his country and to Tho age in which he lives. He is the guardian of the Public welfare the Sentinel of Liberty the conservator of morals and every attempt to allure or to coerce him to desertion from his i i to should be regarded As an insult and an injury to the nation Wose interest

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