Atlas London Middlesex Newspaper Archives

- Page 1

Issue Date:
Pages Available: 16

About Atlas London Middlesex

  • Publication Name: Atlas London Middlesex
  • Location: London, Middlesex
  • Pages Available: 31,747
  • Years Available: 1826 - 1869
Learn More About This Publication


  • 2.17+ Billion Articles and Growing Everyday!
  • More Than 400 Years of Papers. From 1607 to Today!
  • Articles Covering 50 U.S.States + 22 Other Countries
  • Powerful, Time Saving Search Features!
Find Your Ancestors Now

View Sample Pages : Atlas London Middlesex, June 02, 1838

Get Access to These Newspapers Plus 2.17+ Billion Other Articles

OCR Text

Atlas (Newspaper) - June 2, 1838, London, Middlesex f \. - TRANSMISSION OF "TPE ATLAS" BY POST TO FOREIGN COUNTRIES. JTe are induced, by numerous appUcationi on this subject, to state, for the information of our Subscribers, that " The Mas " may be transmitted free of postage, through the General Post Offices, Bpain (via Cadiz) SvBNos Ayres Hahbubgh Fbanoe to the following places : Denh&bk Bermuda Montsbbhat Demebaha St. Lucia Colombia Dominica Tobago GiBEAtxAB Gbeece Bagota Cuxhavbn Trinidad Beebice Canada Newfoundland St, Vincent's Corfu Caraccas Malta Bahamas St, Kitt's Carthagena Quebec Nevis Heligoland Antigua Cephalonia Halifax Brazils Jamaica Lagoiha Nova Scotia New Brunswick Honduras Bremen Barbadobs Zante Grenada (New) St. Dominqo lONiAiN Isles Tobtola " 27ie Atlas" can also be transmitted, upon payment of one penny, to India-Cape of Good Hope-New South Wales. To all other places it may be forwarded upon the payment of two pence. r EARLY EDITION .IN TIME FOR POST. No. 629. Vol. XIII.] SATURDAY, JUNE 2, 1838. THE ATLAS OF THIS DAY CONTAINS :- PAGE. The PoUtlcton................ 337 East Indian and Colonial Atlas.. 338 Colonial News.................338 Foreign News................338 Imperial Parliament............339 Britlsli News..................341 Ireland........................ 341 Law Reports...........,......341 Foli^ Reports ................341 . Accidents and Offences..........342 , Omnium.......................343 Fete of the Horticultural Society 343 Ttieatrical Intelligence.......... 343 Sporting......................343 Saturday's News ;............. 343< Weeldy Retrospect of the Money Market,.....................344 ' Leading Articles..............344 Notes of a Gentleman about Town-PublijC Dinners........'344 Theatricals.....................345 PAGE. literature. Italy.......................... 345 Life and Administration of Edward, first Earl of Clarendon.. 346 A True Treatise on the Art of Fly-FisWng................. 347 A Dialogue in the Devonshire Dialect...................... 347 Dramatic and Prose Miscellanies 347 Music and Musicians............347 Fine Arts...................... 347 Literary and Scientific Institutions..........'................348 Scientific Notices.............. 348 Universities .................. 348 The Army.................... 348 Gazettes......................348 Births, Marriages, and Death's .. 348 Banking and Monetary Atlas.... 348 The Markets................... 350 Advertisements................ 352 THE POLITICIAN. THE MELBOURNE AND THE GREY ADMINISTRATIONS. BtACKWOop's Magazine-^Lord Melbourne and Jiis friends have added a new Marriage Act to the Statute Bookj andmahysnugsituations to fihe list of places; they have appointed a Roman Catholic bishop of Montreal: they have abolished the Protestant bishopric of Quebec; they haye sent three-and-twenty Roman Catholic priests to Indiaj, many to Canada, several, with a few Popish schoolmasters^to New South Wales; they have sent ia legion tp Spain; they have passed a Mnnicipal Bill, after having it well reformed in the Upper House; they have passed Sir Robert Peel's Tithe Bill, after delaying it a year; but nothing else, good, bad, or indifferent, has come from their industrious iiainds, or their prolific brains. They cfme into office to carry an appropriation, clause, and no^ they have abandoned their own offspring.' We more of church-rates; the subject is painfiil, and is consi^ed to oblivion. Last session they did not introduce a single naeasure pf importance, till so latb * in the season that, wheh the King died a,t thelatter end of June, . not ohe was ifeady for the House of Lords, and the Irish Tithe Bill had not even been discussed in the House of Commons. In this session, nothing whatever was done till Easter, though the House met in November; and now, after five months' debating, the business of the country appears about to commence instead of ending. At the beginning of this session, some important measures were promised, one relating to Irish education, another to English education; one to the Duchy of Cornwall, and others relating to the registration system, and various topics of interest. Where are they ? Not one whisper or word has been heard of one of them. And thus it was in 1835, 1836, and last year. Thus it will be next session, if the ministers linger so long. Lord Grey's government did not so act. That ministry, with many feults, contained much that was admirable, and effected much that w^as important. The Slave, question, the poor-law question, the East India 'charter, the Bank chartei'; reform in Parliament, were all settled permanently, not oh the petty Melbourne plan of instalments. But that government contained Lords Grey and Spencer, whom we nave mentioned as having deserted the present ministry, and Lords Brougham, Bipon, and Stanley, and Sir James Graham, who firmly oppose it. These men were the ornaments of the Grey cabinet. When they retired, the body remained, but the soul was gone. There can be no great cause for surprise, then, in the contrast presfnted by the present rulers to their predecessors. In like nianner, the Duke of Wellington's government, which imdoubtedly was ' a very able one, effected great things, and undertook great measures, whether for^oodor evil, and that, too, at a time wheii the aspect, of affairis abroiad was dark and portentous. The Mdboume ministry, of course, is a very different concern, and attempts things of a far different character. Reform is a very goodmottp, but to such ministers it is nothing more-perhaps it operates as something less. If " the constitution" were their motto, the case would be the same-^nothing would then be done to defend, just as nothing is now done to alter. radical profession of faith. .Tait's Edinburgh Magazine-The Whigs have long ceased to delude any, save willing dupes. Still we are ;resolved to wait silently, and as patiently and hopefully as the circumstances admit. Lord Durham's mediation may pacify Canada-^the Whigs may do something for Ireland. We shall soon see. 'We do not wish to participate either in the utter despondency of some of the truest Reformers, or in the half-sullen, half-contemptuous feeling with which the great, body of reflecting men of liberal opmions vii^w a set of statesmen whom they regard as equally deficient in high principle and in capacity. Look to the late immense meetings for the abolition of slavery, and mark the language held in these assemblies by the purest minded and most temperate Reformers, who were, tjU of late, the disinterested supporters of the Whig ad- ministration. It is either that of condemnation and distrust, or of contempt and defiance. The political knowledge of the people has not more outgrown that of theip rulers, than their moral feelings. Things cannot go on much longer in this wav. The anomaly of the feeblest government and the strongest opposition ever known, with the great body of the people either coldly indifferent, or hating the faction in opposition, while despising and distrusting the ruling one, cannot, and ought not to exist much longer. The crash cannot be distant; and the Reformers can wait, if not for Whig improvement, then for Whig extinction. There is no medium. The first year of the new reign will speedily be rounded off by the pageant of the coronation. We shall have new peers and new representatives : and more parjy trials of strength, in and out of the House, will precede the prorogation of Parliament; and then conies the appropriate season for discussion. Then we may inquire what has really been done for Ireland to compensate for the vital injuries which the party that Mr. O'Connell patronises has inflicted upon the cause of freedom in England, Ireland, Scotland, and the colonies, by their Consei^vative policy. Before many weeks elapse, the Reformers will be entitled to call upon the Irish members, and all those professing Radical principles, to justify their support of'the government, by shewing what has been recently (achieved for Ireland in particular, and what for the cause of general reform. Sothe one good measure will surely have been carried, which the Tories would not have granted, though we cannot guess its nature ; some great and progressive /principle of improvement will have been developed. We shall wait till every Irish question is settled, or cushioned for one more year; niaking the third in some cases, and the, fourth and fifth in others. For us, Mr. O'Connell.shall^ this session, make the most possible of the Whigs, and that in his own way. His policy we do not consider the wisest, any more than the most direct; hut we shall judge it by its fruits; and, meanwhile, lax aside the great mterests of the whole empire, Ireland included, as worthless, immaterial things, so that the Whigs may he kept in place. Whether we shall first see the Whigs throw off Mr. O'Connell and his allies, with as much scorn and heartier good-wiir than they have lately shewn in thexase of the English Radicals, <^r the Irish reformed municipalities converted into close boroughs, to forward the great object of fortifying the ministerial .position, is not at present worth speculation. By the Ist of Augxist, at the farthest, the problem will be solved. There will no longer be any remaining doubts concerning the motives which lead professing Reformers to support Lord Melbourne's administration; noriwill pretence or pretext be longer available. a strike among the conservatives. Dublin University Magazine-Justice never will be done to the cause of Irish Protestantism until our representatives act for themselves. It is wasting words to snow that they have ^ duty quite separate from the general duty of the opposition. If the Protestants of Ireland have, under the tyranny of liberalism, grievances perfectly distinct from tnose of which Englishmen complain-if their situation be different front that of any other, portion of the empire; it seem^ almost to foUow as the simplest corollary that their representatives must in some respects act distinctly from tne general opposition. At present we might almost say there is no such thing as an Irish Protestant party in the House. Ireland sends, indeed, a certain addition to the English Conservative party. .Now, we repeat, that there are many points of Irishpolicy upon which it would be unfitting for the EngUsh Conservative party to originate a movement. Nothing perhaps is mo^e deservedly censured as a factious proceeding than for men to complain on behalf of those who do not complain for themselves. It is not for the opposition to adopt this course; it is for 'our own representatives to complain in our name. We have been very anxious to put this clearly, because we feel that the greatest damage to the cause of Protestantism results froin the want of such independent movements on the part of the Irish Protestant members; it ts very true, indeed, that nothing should ever induce them to form themselves into a knot hke that of the Popish members, so as to sell themselves to a ministry in return for concessions. Of this there never could be danger with the high-minded men who are now our representatives. Perhaps, indeed, it is a just abhorrence of such a course thatnas driven them to what we must call the other extreme-but this would be to form a faction, not a party. All we wish and desire is, that our members should recollect that there are peculiar circumstances connected vdth Irish Protestantism, and that this imposes upon them peculiar duties : that there are Irish questions upon which it is their business to make a move, without either expecting or desiring that the English opposition should unduly involve themselves in exposing tUd mis-government of Ireland. ' ,  � the labours and prospects of the administration. Monthly Chronicle-No government in this countiy has ever carried through measures so vast, with foes more formidable, in a time so short. In six years, the Reform Bill, the Municipal Bill, the mighty re-organization of independent labour in the New Poor Law, the transfer of the Indian trade from a company to the people (munificent gift to commerce!); the removal from agriculture of its heaviest load, the tithe (that tax upon improvement,) the schools for self-government in the establishment of free corporations,-and all this while profound peace abroad, and no light economical relief at home. Match these six years of improvement with any sixty years in English-almost in European history! To wish duration to a government that has done these things, is to wish well to civil zation itself. " But why, then," you will say, " are so many of you discontented; why do you yourself predict the probable decline and downfal of a ffovemment thdt has deseived so well of the people?" Because governments must continue to lead and direct the movement they create; because they live, or die with the principles upon which they are established. When William Pitt called into existence the anti-Gallican enthusiasm, his care was not to check, but to increase and continue it. He did not say, when it obtained him his majority,-" so far has it gone-^it shall go no farther!" He felt that he was the creature of the inspiration he created. All governments, to be powerful and brilliant, must carry some national enthusiasm along with them; none exist long upon sober judgment alone. The first care of Lord Grejr was to check the enthusiasm which he himself had inspired; and which, if he had but appreciated and sustained it, v^buld have hailed with rapture the very measures it afterwards received with indifference. The popular feelinj^, thus damped, could not be revived again; and.the scanty majority of the next Parliament was the legacy bequeathed by the administration of Lord Grey to the cabinet of Lord Melbourne. Again, the declarations of Lord Melbourne against further popiilar reform, especially the ballot, have deadened gratitude, by exciting indignation; for the man who wants the ballot wants protection against ruin in some cases--loss in all; and when you give him other boons, but deny him this, you resemble the polite Duval, who stole your purse^ but presented you with bons bons. The government might not do more than they do now,-it is not their acts, it is their words, that are railing the seal from their bond of office. To refiise the ballot, because it coiild not be carried, would be popular ground-^to refuse it because it is right to suffer, and sinml to be protected, is an insult to the sense, and a taunt on the affliction, of the complainant. Again* men fe?l in classes, as they act in classes. The moderate Radical class constitutes the great bulk of "the government supporters in the large towns,-^the majority of the government supporters in tne House of Commons. Never did any party act with more disinterested motives; never ddd any party demand so little,'forbear so generously, and give so much. They have not received from the "Whigs the consideration and the courtesy that were their due; and if, as Reformers, they have been benefited, as a class they have been affronted. ^ THE TORY PRESS and TORY POLICYi Sun-The Tory journals are beginning to find out that the concUiation and concession which their leader has at length promised,, have come too late. They see that the bulk of the Irish tnXL not be deluded into sanctioning the existence of the church of Ireland by a few fine phrases of the conforming and promising Sir Robert Peel; and seeing that he comes, as usual, too late, they are preparing for his failure by throwing out accusations against Lord John Rusfiell, Mr. O'Connell, and the Liberal journals. They are to be blamed because the seven millions of Catholics will not cheerfully support the insulting establishment of a small and hitherto dominant sect. Lord John Russell is further accused of base trickery, because, while he admits the impossibility, of now acting on the appropriation principle, he refuses to acknowledge that it is a bad principle, and ought not to be acted on. Sir Robert Peel, himself, in f^ct, admitted the vahdity qf the principle, when he stated that emoluments should square with duties, when he claimed for a lay Parliament the power of deciding what are the duties of ecclesiastics, and proposed to provide for their sustenance, by taking away the tithes, by quartering them on the public funds. In the present state of the Irish church, and of publjic opinion, it is utterly impossible for the legislature to give up the appropriation principle, unless Parliament means to say to the Irish, " You must legislate for yourselves- you must settle the church and the tithe question, for we have no power to do it." Sir Robert Peel, however, proposes to settle the question, and virtually^ acknowledges the appropriation principle, though he denies it in words. Lord John RusseU has the sagaicityto^ee the necessity of applying it, and the manliness tQ avow it. He wishes ;