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View Sample Pages : Atlas London Middlesex, April 28, 1838

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Atlas (Newspaper) - April 28, 1838, London, Middlesex No. 624. VoL.XIII.] ON THE LARGEST SHEET PRINTED. r early edition _ .in time for post. SATURDAY^, APRIL 28, 1838. THE ATLAS OF THIS DAY CONTAINS page ThePoUtlcian..................257 East Indian and Colonial Atias.. 258 Colonials.....................258 foreign NewB ................ 258 Imperial Parliament............ 259 BrftishNews..................261 Meetings...................... 2. 267 Banking and Mdnettoy Atlas... .v268 Practical Observations on Cur-roncy and CirCiilatibn......... 268 Births, Marrtegesf and, Beaths .. 270 AdTertisements ................. 270 T HEP QLIT I C I AN. ministerial tactics; Times-Let any man who clings to the belief that the Whigs reformed the House of Commons to get die ccpn-try's affairsf transacted, and who has any sort of notioii of what Parliamentary business really is, take the trouble to look at th^ list of notices and orders which stand afl&ed to the ^ast number of the published "Votes and Proceedings of "the House of Commons." One of the earliest, and, simple as it may seem, oneof the most ominous, is a notice by Lord John Busselly for Thursday, the 20th instant^ that after the two first Weiek^^ of May, ** Orders of the,day shall have precedence of notices on Thursdays for one month" -that is, till within a fortnight of the time at present ap-poiritfed for thie corbriation. Now, there are three days m the ^ee^Ci(I||[pndays, "VV^ednesdays, and Fridays,) when,,ac-cpi-toig to =flie usual practice of the House, the precedeiice belon||^s to the orders of the day, under which titles comes alii^ipistihe \?hoIe business of the government, including bills in aH their ^ leave given for thfi^rjintrojiuction,^^ t^^ reports of estimates, apd^ioTi^ltel^^ and ways and me?tris ir. and it is the privilege of the government, on each df these three ^^y^^^^^^ succession tli^ OTders 15^ Tlie no- tices. Oil thfe iotfeer/handi w of Tj^estoys and Tfti^^s^ possess, oipi^^ two "days; a right of precedence oyer orders, and are taken, not at the choice ^bf goveriimlent, but jaceording' to tl[>e priority of their entry. It happens, therrfore, not unfreq^^ the prorogation is urawing^near, that ministers, to whom according to the rule the Tuesday and Thursd^^ are Uha-vaUable days, a]jply to the House th%t the rule may be varied by changing some of the notice-days into brder-days, for the purpose of, enabling the House to paSs the ! government bills, estimates, aiad other matters of conse-. quence, which, if the Tuesdays and Thursdays were str^ , appropriated, there would hardly be time toward ^he close of the session to get through. This is the application � which Lord John Russell proposes to make on Thursday next. Now, what does this intimatipn indicate ? By^ fiiost of those who have been accustomed to watch the course of , practice, it will probably be regarded as a token that 1the prorogation is drawing near, for it has been as regular a forerunner and sign of vacation as falling leaves are of winter. But is that earljr prorogation possible in the existing state of public affairs ? Can ministers look at the business which hangs unfinished on their hands, and dare to propose to their royal mistress that the ceremony whicji not confers, but only records, her title to the throne, shall cut short and suspend for another year the most important affairs of her subjects--affairs which in the last session were unavoidably intercepted by the crown's d6inise, >but which, surely, in this session, when the choice of time is open, need not be again intercepted by the crowti's investiture ? The resolutions on the subject of the lirish church, incalculably the most important subject of our time> whether considered as to the property affected, the politics involved, or, above all, the sacred principles endangered, are put off fjrom the 30tli of April to the 14th of May. Wherefore P Caii it hie in order that they may be rejected too late in the session to allow the substitution of the old, or of any other new proposal ? The subject of ecclesiastical leases, enibracing the whole question of church-rates, on which, long before this time, all the necessaiy information ought to have 'been collected, and the opinion of: the new Parliament distinctly taken, is so far, even now, from being ripe for decision, that we are to wait till the 3d day of May before a motion be made even for the appointment of a committee to begin the investigation. Why thus long delayed ? Can it be in order tljat when the committee shall have reported it may be too late in the season to ground a bill upon their reconimeiidation ? Thinking, as we do, that ministers will do all they dare to evade the great questions wliich they have made the pleas and pie-texts for their tenure, yet we E^re not quite sure that tney will brave all when a littlje cu,nni%'m them from drawing upon their courage. We can imagine it no�un-likelv, stratag ein to take a mere adjournment of a few days for the purpose of the coronation, ahdresume the business of Parliament when the ceremony is over, and the new peers created. We shall then be in, or close upon, the month of July, and a great proportion of the members of the House of Commons will hy that time be called to the local business of their constituenits and of their private estates-the official persons, and the Irish tail, remaining almost the sole possessors of the arena. That will be the season for public affairs. Instead of a troublesome guard of 320 deep-mouthed Conservatives, watchinor and baying, the leader of the government will find himself fronted by only a score or two of individuals, thinly sprinkling the opposition seats; then the various indispensable measures for the repeal of the constitution in church and state may be passed through the Commons with convenience, and sent up to the House of Peers to be disposed of. The House of Peerg (always.true to their duty, and willing to surrender their enjo3anents and even their health to the performance of it, however late in the autumn) will refuse to sign these' death-warrants; upon which the ministers will put forth a pamjphlet with soine such talting tide as ''^What have the Lords done P" or, "What more could the Whigrs do ?" and, proroguing in August, will live very happily till another session. SIR FRANCIS BUHIjETT ON THE NORTHERN CIRCUIT. Morning CnRONicLE-^Sir Francis Burdett is suffering the inconvenience arising put of the two species of fame mentioned in the proverb .from: Tacitus, Nec minus peri-culum ex magna famd quam eaa maid. His great fame and his bad fame united are a source of severe annoyance to him at the present moment, and expose him to a great deal of trouble which he might otherwise have avoided. Had he merely enjoyed ^eat mine, he might, like the Duke of Wellington, or Sir Robert Peel, have retired to spend his holidays at Strathfieldsaye or Drayton-park, in peace and quiet; on the other hand, had he been afilicted only with bad fame, he might, like Peter Borthwick or Benjamin D'Israeli, have withdrawn to Claverton or, Wycomb neglected and forgotten. It is be(*ause Sir Francis possesses both great and bad fame that in the infirmity of his years and understanding he is made, as Sir George Sinclair expressed it, " to go to the northern circuit," m order by his presence and speeches to excite a sensation and produce a turmoil in densely^populated districts, which by a little artful misrepresentation, is made to^ass for what the Tories are pleased to call reaction. This is the tnost preposterous pretence that caii be imagined, but it answers the purpose of the party in some quarters, and the poor old brain-sick baronet is made' a victim and a tool at a time of life and in a state of mind which'ought to excite commiseration. " Punch has no feelings," said Dr. Johnson, and the Tories really seem to treat their flesh and blood puppet as if he were made of nothing but wood and rags. Punch, in this instance, has feelings, but his persecutors have none, or they would exercise some httle forbearance. Sir Francis has turned his back upon his old friends : he has ^* become a reproach.unto them, and they that lo6k upon him shake their heads;" but, nevertheless, in his present condition of exppsure and infliction they are hot without some liri^eldng pity for the poor old gentleman, who is thus re^qLorselessly dragged about from place to place, and flattered) and fooled into the belief that he is an object of interest and^ adntir^tipn,^while those who have the management of him la^ieii in their sleeves at the delusion of dotage.: It isi inda'inidancholy exhibition of cruelty on the one sideband' of SMbedility on the other. Majrk the treatment'hejreceiye^on his road: see how he is cajoled and bamboozied ib^'lthe very^^ persons who are making use of hip.^ iTilne f^etfalso? affords an illustration of the trickery practised in these) matters by the Tories, Who are"the same'all' oye|''t^^^^^ While Sir P. Biirdett was at SalMd it was thpiig^ a useful effect might be produced by getting up an address to him from persons ist^^irig thenise!^es " of Stockport," the otject Of ^e addr6sS.biei)b^^ him to visit that town on his return froni Huddersfield. It was accordingly snugly prepared and sijg^ed by some eight or ten individuds, arid presented! to *Me" honourable baronet at , ^al^yd^ Let the reader p<^iiU|e, if he can, without smiling, ihe following sentence, containing so severe, and at the same time so just, a satire upon the unfortunate Sir Flrands {--^"We may be periiiitted to add that, without flattery, few persons have a ^eater number of friends and well-wishers; and you have stiU greater reason to be proud of your enemies r for it is your uniform integrity and' unvarying indepefndence that have made them so. The finnhess of your eharacter demands the esteem of men of principle, and your political heyday, we may aflirm, is sustaining a second existence." Sir Francis must have winced while this was being read by the coryphoeus of the deputation more than in the; most painful paroxysm of his last fit of the gout. To put him so tauntingly in mind of his long-past "political heyday," and to tell him that at this moment it is " sustaining (an odd word by the way) a second eidstence!" Then, to tell him that he ought " to be proud of his enemies," as well he may, recollecting that tney were once his often boasted friends; and to compliment him upon his "uniform integrity" and " unvarying independence" at the j^ery moment when he is going round the country' to give proofs that his integrity has been anything but " uniform," and his independence equally " unvarying." To talk, too, of the firmness of Sir F. Burdett's character, and of the esteem entertained for it by men of principle-Joseph Surface "men of principle," we suppose, when that " worthy man" declared that " of all things he admired men of principle !" This must have been too much^ and on this account, perhaps, we are not told how Sir Francis received the tribute, excepting thatpius ^neas retired with fidus Achates (probably to ask in what sense he ought to take it, wbether as censure or as praise) and did not return to the deputation. errors of diplomatists-english and american. Times-We are very far from affirming, because in fact we do not believe, that the higher functionaries of the United States have deliberately yielded the slightest encouragement to the crimes of their refractory fellow-citizens. We do not beheve that any half dozen educated men in the United States are so thoroughly wicked or infatuated as not to feel that a war between Great Britain and the republic would be the most dreadful calamity that could befall both nations. All rational and honest men in England, without exception, agree in so regarding such an occurrence. There is no respectable individual or party here who would not sacrifice anything but the national dignity and honour for the sake of averting a conflict with the United States. What we are chiefly anxious for is to caution the public men of both countries against putting forth pretensions or making d!emands on either side which cannot without a loss of self-respect or of consistency be afterwards entirely withdrawn. There is nothing which ought to be so maturely considered as the qaanlum of concession which we require from an independent state. If-extravagant or unjust, we cannot afterwards recede from it without humiliation, nor can we persist in it without still'deeper shame. In looking at the recent acts of the British government and of the United States with relation to what has taken place on the Canadian frontier, there are two things which appear to us reprehensible, as being on both sides premature. One is the honour of knighthood already conferred on Colonel Macnab, for his conduct with regard to the i^arpline steamer, instead of waiting for the final close of the negotiations entered upon respecting the seizure of that pirate ; the next is the unqualified construction put officially by Mr. Forsyth Upon that same proceeding in a Sense directly adverse to that of Queen Victoria's government. The act of the British ministers has sanctioned, ELdppted, and maintained as lawful,-the attack iipon the Caroline within the jurisdiction of the United States. The language of Mr. ForiSyth to the ministers of Great Britain has flatly cohdemned the destruction of the pii-ate as an affront to the sovereignty of the United States, which will be followed by complaint and a demand of reparation. It is needless to repeat our once-declared conviction, that by common sense, and by the principles of public law, as laid down in the works of all recognized jurists, the capture of the Caroline was a measure of self-defence the most strictly just and unavoidable. She was a vessel carrying on an open war against Great Britain. The United States government afforded us no protection against the active and persevering hostility of those on board the Caroline. Why then should the United States, as neighbours, or how could they as bona Jide neutrals, give protection to the Caroline in her aggressions upon us ? "If a Sovereign" (says Vattel,) "who might keep his subjects within the rules of justice and peace, suffers them ta injure a foreign nation either in its body or its members, he does no less injury to that nation than if he injured it himself." Then, after stating what w^ are quite ready to acknowledge, that we must not in all cases complain of being injured by a nation, because we haVe received an injury from*one of its members-" But" adds Vattel, " if a nation or its chief approves and ratifies the act of the individual, it then beconies a public concern, and the injured party is to consider the nation as the real author of the injury, of which the citizen was perhaps only the instrument." We have to blame Mr. Forsyth, therefore, for having (at least prematurely, whether^wrongfully or not) done that which is equivalent to njaking cause with the Caroline, by us condemned as a piratical aggressor upon our national sovereignty. The inquiries were nOt finishedi; the evidence was not complete; the true complexion of the Caroline or of her capl^re was not yet judicially ascertained and decided.; Biit IVJr. Forsyth assumes the privilege of determining the latter by his own dictum, and in terms so positive that he has left himself scarcely room for a cremtable retreat. So the adoption of Colonel Macnab by the Queen's ininisters, and their identification of themselves with him throughout the whole question of the Caroline, has been^ in our judgment, a hasty, sind indiscreet proceeding, which complicates their position towards the United States government, without, in reality, adding to the case of England one particle of real strength. That the case of Englami in this important matter is one which wjU bear the closest examination, we repeat once more that we are thoroughly satisfied, and that the United States government, should it attempt the enforcement of Mr. Forsyth's construction of the matter, will find flagrant injustice, like a millstone, hanging round its neck. We hava abstained on this occasion from mixing up the still more serious.cj^uestion of the north western boundary with the discussions on. that of the'Canadian frontier, because,^^thoqgh'the boundary question be in itself oneot a deeper and more enduring interest than the other, it is,, we think, not of a character so likely to  produce sudden impulses of popular excitement, and may.beisettlfsd without difficulty, if there exist between the govfjimments a mutual sense of equity and ho'nour, and ^ jnxitual desire ^o perpetuate unbroken peace,' ;