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  • Publication Name: Anti Gallican Monitor
  • Location: London, Middlesex
  • Pages Available: 2,262
  • Years Available: 1811 - 1817
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Anti Gallican Monitor (Newspaper) - September 17, 1815, London, Middlesex 4 A*f 0LLOPO0fUDA; tpBSERVATfONS ON FOyCHE'3 REPORT, I j^efdt* Rwtderjf, in this day's publication^ aoP^0^0^"^* of th� political professions and *p*�u;artii of certain great Statesmen, Ora-tors,�aud Writer* ; whether the Ash may please the plain, substantial, simple'taste of Air. Bull* I ca|fi|6t fj>o4*thly aftirm ; brut my object at pre*^l Wn# to, amuse and instruct him by examining, tke articles, which compose the dUn, { ishatt b*fvA\f aatititied if he be,able to form a just Judgment on the merits of the different ingredients taken apart i or $he whole taken together. To-drop the figure, I this day treat them with* the remaining part of the paper, drawn up by Mr. tf#Y, orv in other words, Fouche'h Re- f�ort to the I�ing ; and, as in the scripture, at east in the difficult parts, the best mode of explanation is to elucidate one passage by another, or to make the different parts explain one another, 1 think a similar method used with this Celebrated report of Fouche's, will best enable the Reader to ascertain the true meaning and real value of this most profound piece of state logic. I hare therefore annexed to this concluding part of the report, (the first part my readers know was given'in the Antigallican of last Sunday ;) a report made on annular occasion, by this very siime gentleman, to the ** Great Prince," Napoleon himself, only so late as the 7th of May jast. WALLER the Poet is said to have presented a complimentary poem to Charles II. on his restoration, which that witty Monarch praised very highly, but at the same time he observed, that he thought its not quite equal to a copy of complimentary verses addressed by the same poet to the Usurper Cromwell, which he himself had read. This was a home thrust at the Parliamentary poet, for it w�� well-known that Waller was a great Republican; however vhr parried U.wVth more dexterity than Fouciie, or any of his English imitators could do, by immediately replying that his Majesty was right, and the reason was, that poets succeed best in fiction. Before 1 found ont this report to Bun-ha pa rtf. in May lust, 1 had thoughts of entering into a critical examination of the last report, intended for, .as it is said, or presented to the King, but, in reality, intended tor aad presented to the disaffected and dissatisfied part of the Fteiu h and �ti�jhsh nations. In order that f mij*ht -shew the fallacy of the reasoning, and the MtisTatemcttt of the facts, I intended to have entered as deeply as my usual limits would admit, into the history of the leading fact* and chutac-?m-�*f ihe devolution ; .but here again, (in addition to the report to Buonaparte,) very fortunately, I bn\ e stumbled on a mo>t eloquent and philosophical description given uf it by a celebrated Statesman, Orator, and Philosopher, the present Sir JUmes Mackintosh; which is so apposite, so fat as it goes, that .{as it abridges Jny labours coirsiderabh} f hare substituted it in place of the notions which 1 my sell have, for the last %S years, entertained of the French Involution. The opinions of this very learned and very eloquent gentleman have, I understand, taMy undergone gome change, or rather he has again come found to the Findtcia' tiallicm sys-tttn upon which his fame was originally built ? hut he and Foucsib have, I think, calculated a little too much on the shortness of our memories, or perhaps they may imagine that others value consistency as little as they do themselves,-- The reader will, perhaps, apply the Speech of the learned Orator, in the way of explanation, to some part of M$ political conduct ; he may do so, and make bis dis.f >�u want � description of the French Revolution, take it from the speech of Sir James Mackintosh, OIi tne trial of Peltier in 1802, for a libel against Buonaparte. The foilow-�ne arc his words :- Tile French Revolutwjs begau with great and M1 Pmt* be Ap Fmttcc, |f (tance in pent* permit '^Tk� juMMiu tifi�ftf�n|l^�iire t0uur.o�n; � Jf jtnt, b|eed pram*-/two Pwe.wmd io |Je�v^.*^H!^|AJ*****A*MP^ �v. ii�,!H,|*iL'Hf|i|>ii iff �n i Hiiifuwiii' (tePTSMtmR 17, ists if fatal error?. These error* produced atrocious criipes. A mild and feeble monarchy was succeeded by bloody anarchy, which very shortly gavje birth to military despotism. France, in a few yearn, described the whole circle of human ^ society. All this was in- the order of nature-- when every principle of authority and civil discipline, when every principle which enables some men to command and disposes others to obey was extirpated from the mind by atroejous theories, and still more atrocious examples; when every old institution was trampled down with contumely, and every new institution covered in its cradle with blood ; when the principle of property itself, the sheet-anchor of society, was annihilated ; when, in the persons of the new possessors, whom the poverty of language obliges us to call proprietors, it was contaminated in its source by robbery and murder, and it became separated from that education and those manners, from that general presumption of superior knowledge and more scrupulous probity which form its only liberal titles to respect; when the people were taught to despise every thing old, and compelled to detest every thing new ; there remained only one principle strong enough to hold society together, a principle utterly incompatible, indeed, with liberty, and unfriendly to civilization itself, a tyrannical and barbarous principle, but, in that miserable condition of human affairs, a refuge from still more intolerable evils--1 mean the principle of military power which gains strength from that confusion and bloodshed in which all the other elements of society are dissolved, and which, in these terrible extremities, is the cement that preserves it from total destruction." This is a ncry just description, and as it. must be universally admitted that it was that 48 tyrannical and barbarous principle unfriendly to civilisation itself," which prevailed in i1 ranee from the day of Buonaparte's usurpation to the day of his downfall, we have here a brief compendium of the liberal principles, the love of freedom, &c. of the French Revolution, from the beginning to the end. But here I must make a very lew observation.'}. What the real stale of France is after suffering under two systems uf robbery and murder, which characterised the beginning, and the military despotism which distinguished the end of the Revolution, (if it be not a mistake to say that the Revolution is at an end) mav he more easily conceived than expressed. The public mind is completely demoralized ; there is none that doeth good, no, not ou�? ; and in such a state of ihiugs one of the accomplices in all the crimen of the Revolution starts up to offer his advice on the proper remedy for the evil. It is not in the nature of things for such a man to give a correct picture of the calamities of bin country, fait possible to heal without removing the cause of the disease ? Wicked unprincipled men have held the Government of France for live and twenty years hack. Does Fouciie propose that any one of them should be brought to trial for his crimes ? He cannot, because in these crimes he was an accomplice ! Does he propose that power should now be put into the hands of honest men ? No, because the Government is still revolutionary according to his ideas; and .the whole tendency of bis report is to shew that, the moment the Allies quit France, Louis "XVIII. unless he deliver himself up absolutely to his direction, must do so likewise. The language of the report is such as to convey an insult to any other than a revolutionary King.-� Foucilii has the former declarations of Louis, to make him believe that he was always inclined to be one : and here it may be proper to give a specimen of Louis's revolutionary principles in the following speech, which he made when Monsieur was at the tow Paris, on the '28th of December, 1789, immediately after the. arrest of the Marquis de FavRas for a conspiracy : the Marquis was his agent. It will be seen that �he object of the speech is to disclaim any participation in the Marquis's supposed crime. " As to my personal opinions,*' said he,I shall deliver them boldly to my fellow citizens. From the day on which 1 delivered my senti ruei)t8 �n the second assembly pf the Notable*, upon ihe question upou which men's mind* were still divided, I have never.ceased ,to hope for * Great Revolvtion, of which thejling, frotp his i intent ions/ his virtues, xand his high rauk, ought to be the head, inasmuch as it could not be useful to the nation, without being equally so to the Monarch-in tt word,, that the royal authority'should be the bulwark of thena-tioiial liberty, *md the national liberty the huse of the royal authority, &c. / never changed'my sentiments an\i principles, and shtttt never changp them"-!-(MoMleur of the ZQth of December, 17^9�)-He has also his present conduct as :a powerful confirmation of that opinion. Fo-uche, in his report* divides ibq French m� tion into two great classes. 'Franee, says he, con* tains two nations acting in opposition to each other; the Revolutionists, or men of JiOerpf ir/c0.t�,and those attached to the.Rnpient regime* But who, I wouldask, aniortg the Revolutionists of the present or any former period, can be considered as men of liberal ideas ; at what period of the French Revolution did these opinions prevail ? Was it under Marat, or Dan tow, or RoBERsriERiiE, or under Foucije himself, when at Lyons ; or was it under the Directory, when they deported men to Cayenne without a trial or was it under the mild reign of Buonaparte^ when these liberal ideas were propagated by the establishment, of eight additional state pvi�ou�p at the time when this same M. FoutUu?. was Minister of the Folic*;, for the purpose of locking up such men as would dure, to utter one word against the .Government, f It is not my .intention-to endeavour to heighten the picture which, the learned advocate (from whom \ have quoted) has given of the French Revolution : but coin** ciding with him in the character which he..'{jives-of it, these men of liberal ideas! consider a� ""�li"nit character^ which it has produced�*~who I)an Mil lied the purity of the royal robes, by coming in contact with murderer* and robbers dignified with the titles of Marshal-who has degraded hio own character by lavishing praise!) as lie did last year on Ney and others of his stamp, and who even, by so doing, insulted his Allies-to : description we see in thjfe case of Cuarlks II. Lpiils fiiight parjly see the fatal effect* of u similar tyfetern in his own person, but" he has stopped his 'elira against his real friends, and opens* them only when his most bitter enemies address him. V.QVililE tells him that the army must not he disbanded, because if their discontent was to be added, to the general mass, Bomethiug dreadful might be expected ; that if, they (the rebellious soldier}) are only formidable when disbanded, but perfectly innocent when embodied aud organized : he tells ;