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  • Publication Name: Anti Gallican Monitor
  • Location: London, Middlesex
  • Pages Available: 2,262
  • Years Available: 1811 - 1817
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View Sample Pages : Anti Gallican Monitor, July 09, 1815

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Anti Gallican Monitor (Newspaper) - July 9, 1815, London, Middlesex MONITOR ^o. 933.-Price 8rf.] ** Peace be \o Francr, if France in Pence permit " The ja�t mid lineal entrance to our own : ** If not, bleed France-�*d Peace anceml to Heaven. -Sua "kfsi*f arc. JULY 9. l�lr�. SURRENDER OF PARIS* Pans ! the proud city-the modern Rome- that crudle of murder, rebellion, treason* and pillage, has again fatten ; and by whose means ? bv those of Englishmen ! Dctewia est Carthago has been often fulminated against us from the tribunes of Roberspikre and of Buonaparte. It i9 now our turn to exclaim delcnda-But far from us be every thought of insolent triumph. Yet what excuse or apology will now be ottered for this second full ? Here was no defection--no Marmont to charge with want of fidelity- no Regnault or Moncey to be accused of cowardice; and yet this mighty city is again brought low i Rut the change is strange indeed ! What was the situation of affairs ten years ago? It is now just ten years when I myself was obliged to accompany Buonaparte to Boulogne, when a descent on England, as was generally supposed, was meditated by him ; when 250,000 warriors, and upwards of 4,000 vessels, were collected together, for the purpose of in Hiding the vengeance of France on the " tyrants of the seas.'* AH were eager- to lay waste, to pillage, bum and destroy this country. And now Napoleon, of, I would rather say, France, you will discover that those tyrants of the seas and incendiaries ot the continent, as you used to call them, are by no means disposed to imitate the example)* which you hare set them ut Madrid and at Moscow. They are not inclined to realize against the metronolis of France that vengeance which your satellites threatened to inflict on the capital of Britain. Where now, ^Japoi.fon, are all your " grandes pevsres," your 44 grandes mesures;" where are now your "* lads of Paris," and 44 vos enfans de In grandc familk V* What! beaten, and obliged to fly before * the debilitated battalions of Britain !'* Sad reverse indeed ! and what is still worse, the corroding thought that all this wreck which encompasses you at present, has been owing to your own extravagant and boundless ambition ; for, m 1807, you were the sovereign dictator of the continent of Europe. Russia wan your ally ; Prussia and the rest of Germany, m well as Spain and Portugal, Italy and Holland, were tour vassals, and shortly after, Austria was compelled to give you her daughter in marriage: and yet all this would not satisfy you. You would be absolute master ; and your murderous aggressions in Spain and in Portugal unmasked yrur character. From that time to the present she world has contemplated your character with horror, and the feelings of an enslaved continent being at length goaded to madness, the arm of every roan was raised against you as yours '.van against every man, and the consequence you may for a short time be permitted to contemplate. ! confess this was quite natural, according to the account which you yourself gave of your disposition to Mademoiselle Georges, when you told her, that if fortune or your condition of life had opposed your being an Emperor, you must have been the Captain of a band of robbers. But you are now as low as you were before exalted, and your name is no longer likely to be� come again formidable. You may now be consigned to the historian and the declaiming school Doy. u 1) demsns et stems curre per stipes, " Ut puerisplaceua et ileclainatiojiaa." But though Buonaparte has quitted the scene, not likely to return to act a part again ; though, perhaps, he may be most unwillingly obtruded on the public attention once more, not to act, but to suffer, we see that his former friends and supporters are still endeavouring to strut and fret their hour upon the stage, and to retain the rod of empire until it is forced irom their hands-his Representatives and his Peers, and his Provisional Government still presume to speak in the name of the French people; ou their case, (a sad one undoubtedly for them�> selves, but a joyful one for all Europe) it will be necessary to say a few words. However, as Louis the XVII!. has probably erenow, or will in a few days, resume the reins of power in the Capital of his Kingdom, it is proper to make a few observations on that head wi the first place. A Proclamation has appeared in his Majesty's name in the Brussels Papers, the authenticity of which, I am however, rather disposed to question, as well1 from the carelessness of the Brussels Editors with respect to the insertion of papers, of which they have given a pretty strong proof in the insertion of th� letter which has been copied into the London papers i� the course of the week, and which now proves to be a forgery-(I mean the letter to Count Blacas,) as from the matter of,' the proclamation itself, I cannot conceive that the King has pro lit ted so little by the lesson which he has just learned*, as not to adopt forthwith the most energetic measures, to punish rebels, and to prevent the possibility of similar evils in future. Power can, no longer be suffered to re-main in the bands of men who can no longer be trusted ; I allude not now to the active conspirators alone, or principal traitors in the late conspiracy, but to all those who passively consigned themselves over to. the current of events. There was a pre-disposition in favour of the Corsican among the greater part of all the persons in authority under the IIourbons, who may now endeavour to shield themselves from punishment by setting up a plea of necessity and constraint, which, whatever force it may have in turning aside the axe of the executioner, (all the guilty cannot be punished,} neve;- can be urged as a full and entire proif of innocence. The disaffection against the Bourbons was general among the BuonapartisTs and Revolutionists. If his Majesty would sit easy His throne, he must therefore discard his enemies, and put power into the hands of men e�n whom he can depend; he must, in a word, reverse the maximu of his Government in IS!4� and look upon the ftatel-lites of BuomafA'Ite and the Revolution as lib irrecoucileable foes* as men vahon though not only pardoned but rewarded, could not be trusted->as men lost to every generous and loyal principle, and who having forfeited all character by the part which they have uniformly acted, more especially during the late events, that they must look to the ^ossetisiou of power or confidence only aa affording an opportunity to betray. Hi a Majesty \v. ike proclamation which tH) alluded to, and whit-b is countersigned Talleyrand, mentions, that his Government might have fallen into errors. This is a fair and honor* able confession upon the part of his MajeHty��� for to err is human : these error?, I myself, in the course of my editorial labours, have frequently taken the liberty to point out to hit) Ma� jesty. The principal of them was the neglecting of his friendn, and the protection and encouragement given to the old servants of Buonaparte,, Rut in this very same proclamation he hold;? out an enjriMretnent which ni a continuation of those C7 O �   1 errors-*-1 allude to that confirmation of the Chart, which he promises in his proclamation,^ a chart which has been the cause of all the calamities which for these luat three months have fallen upon Europe; for what was that chart but an act extorted from the King, to confirm the titles, honours, and riches* of all the Revolutionary gang-nay, and giving them still greater honours than what they before enjoyed !-� What was this Chart but continuing the mendicity !of the King's staunch friendn, and legalizing robbery in the peroona of hio euro rnies ? What was this Chart but a confounding together of virtue and vice, innocence and crime-the ancient noblesse of France, with smugglers, stable-boys, knife-grinders, and what is still much worse with galley slaves, robbers, and assassins ! Nay, even, by this ("hart, two-thirds of the House of Peers consisted of Buo-n a parti's creatures, whilst only one-third was elected by the King. These were indeed errors, glaring errors : but as his Majesty was so long out of the country, he could not know Revolu-tiouary Frenchmen, and unfortunately, on this occasion, was obliged to deliver himself into th>> hands of men who should have known and advised hitn better. 1 myself took the liberty at the time to state that the concession of the chart was impolitic, that it would not reconcile the Buouupartean crew to any government wln indemnified one farthing for hisexpenseii, which amounted to more than one thousand poundo sterling ! ! I by no means recommend the adoption of this plan to hie. MAJEbfw, but would remtirkp that the original purchaseru (taw the uncertain nature of their tenures, and therefore they puiv chased at very cheap rates. I recollect that, on my return from Warsaw, in a conversation which I had with Buonaparte, he asked me what I thought his Majesty's opinions were with re� gard to national property, and if ever it happened that the King should be restored, whether he intended to confirm the Males. On my answering that i thought that wa-s his intention,, he ob� served, that in his opinion it would he an uu� wise act, as it would lie cherishing a serpent in his bosom, which would one day oting hi in0 Buonaparte knew the people whom he go ve r n*^* ed. At all events 1 think the properties of the following worthies, who are supposed each worth a million sterling, should be eoniiseiited, to supo port the cxpeuces of the last, war, viz. : Massena, Savarv, Rapp, Krune, Soult9 Sue hut, Ney, D'Avoust, Camaaceres, Roe-i)i:iu;r, I)einu C iia m pa <� n y, M a li i r, C a u i. a i nco t ut, and the soi-d'tsant Queen of Holland, who was a most active C'oiispiratricc ; be^des many others of iu� ferior note and fortune. There is one part of the Chart, to which I certainly do not objectp namely, that which relates to the Liberty of the Press. I would lie happy aho to see the liberty of the subject better provided for by the estab-iishmeut of a good law, such as our Habeas (Jor^ pus Act. It will easily be perceived that I do not think flint the King ol France should again select hio Ministers and friends from'among the, quondaiH ;