American Catholic Tribune (Newspaper) - March 12, 1892, Cincinnati, Ohio
American
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laM O«Mm, AnMUtot* «I WiIftBiii, «C. Om HmI I«v. AnhUfliwpa •! OMBaatt. Mi Phflaáetpfcla, tte Rt Bm. BUkopi ai £fCtoteafeu, O., Bamnaai, fa., nranaa, fni„ aai VfIttftM, Bal.
CINCINNATI SATURDAY. MARCH 12181>2
NO 2
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ESTíC CONCERNS.
LlNniLS ,^N0 [«WCiPUION.
1
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M«maat«ad.
Determined to Save the Union, with or Witnout Siavery—Crave Reasons Which Forced Emancipation Upon Him Ali Personai Considerations of Expediency Set Aside.
I terald.)
Aorahaai Liucolu was not a sesti* mental Aholitiouist, Indeed, he was not a -eniirn sia ist on any sabjec . He wa- a man of earnest conviction and of subtime devotion to his faith. In raanv of his public letters and state p*per.s he was poetic as he was epigrammatii*. He was singti larlv felicitou.s to the palhos that was s • often interwoven wiih his irrecistibie logic, but he never contemplated the abolition of slavery unul the events oi the sar not only made it cleerlj possible, but made it an imperious necessity.
As I'resid nt ot the Kepublif, Lin -oln was governed at every step by hie p.iraiiiount duty to prevent the dismemWimenl of the nation and to restore the l*nion and its people to fraternal relation».
The best expre-e-ion of his own view- and aim- in the matter is g ven in a single brief sentence, ut-»ei*d by him-elf in Sept. Id, lk6*i, O' 1\ nine day.- before he is-ued the p edm nary j r >clamation. It was ill r spfiuse to an appeal fr m a large delegation of iTiiagi cler^ymiii, representing ni-nrly or .juito all the religious de> D’minatioiis of that city, urging immediate eraaijc |*ation. He heard them jtalieiilly, as he always did tl ose who Were entithd to be beard at all, and hi- answt-r was given i ^ iliese wold : I have not decided
agaiii-t tiie p ocl.imation of liberty to the slave-, i ut hold the matter under adv'setnenl, and I can assure you the matter is on my mind by ilav ai d by uig t ino e than any • ittier. Wli te\« r -hall appear tn be Go*!’- will I will «lo. ’
Ojilv tlie caroful stinleiit of the hi-t« ry ««f the war can have any j ist i-i«neepii‘«II of the ifradtial manner in which Lin- i»lii ap,*r«)uehed eiiia ci-paiioti H«* l*U(g an»’, earnestly
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bi iievin'g then that the Lnioii could l»e he-l prese rved wi hout the \ ioleiit destruction » f slavery, and when he apprev ia e«l the fact tlial the leaders »*f the rehelli n were iinwilliug to eiiieriain any prii|‘o-ition for the re-lorati no the Lnion, he accepted tue de-lructi'in of slavery as an iniperi*oi- neces-ily, but be sought t«» a tain it u ith the least p<»s>ible disturbance.
d’he tír-t direct assault made uj>on slavery was Secretary C’ameron’s .•vernile.l antiual report in December, in which he advised the
arming '»f slavea. The first Con-gi t that sat during the w ar made steady stride- toward tlie destruction of slavery by the passage of five important laws. 'Fhe first aholislied slavery in the District of C'olumbia; the second prohibited slavery in all the territories of the Lnited States; tl.e thinl gave freedom to the cs ca|>ed slaves ot all who w’ere in re-beHi»*n; the fourth gave lawTul an* th«»rity for the enlistment of C »lored men as soldiers, and the fitth made a new article of war prohibiting any one in the military or naval service tr.'in aiding in the arrest or return of a fugitive slave under paii of <n-missal.
.'-la verV was ab<dished in the l.)is-trici of Columbia as early as April, IsOu, having pas-¿d the Senate by JO to I. and the II use by 92 to 38. A bill prohibiting slavery in the territories wan passed on the 19th of June, and a bill giving freedom to slaves of rebellious masters who per. formed militarv service was passed on the 17th of July.
From the very day of bis inauguration until he issued his emanci-lion proclamation, Lincoln was constantly impor uned by the more radi» i-al element of his support-rs to de-clar«* his purpose to
ABOLISH SLAVERY.
Among them were a number of the ablest leaders of his party in the Senate and House, and some of them aa impracticable in their methods as they were imperious in their *de« inands.
That he wa* glad of the opportunity to destroy slavery none can doubt who knew him, but he patiently bore the often irritating complaints of many of his friends until he saw that slavery and the Union could not survive together, and that the Country was at least mea.surably prepared to accept and support the new policy. He was many times threatened with open rebellion .against his administration hy some <»f the most potent Republicans, because of bis delay in declaring the emancipation policy, but he waited until the time had come in the fall of 1862, W’hen he felt that it was not only a war necessity but a political necessity as well.
Another very grave consideration that led him ts accept emancipation whes he did was the peril sf Bsg-
land and France recognizing the Confederacy, an I thereby invoWing us in war with two of the greatest power» ..f Europe,
The pretext on which was based the opposition of England to the Union cause in the early pait of the war was the maintenance of slavery by the government while prosecu* ting a war against a •Uveholdeis' re-bellio I, and it seemed t he an absolute n-cess ty that our government should accept the «maooipation policy to impair the force of the public sentiment in England that demanded the recognition of the South as an independent government.
These three weighty considerations, each in it elf sufficient to have dticided Lincoln’s action, corab’ned to dictate his em .ncipatioii policy in the early fall of 1802. The proclamation did not iu it-*elf abolish slavery, but 'he })Ositive d claration in the proclamation, “that the exccu* tive government of the Uniteit States, including the military and naval authorities thereof, will recog* nize and maintain the freedom of ■aid jiersons,” gave notice to every slaveholder, and promise to ev< r slave, that every bondman brou*2ht within the lines of the Union army would thereafter be forever fre i.
THE MOST EARNEST OISCUSSIONS
I ever had with Lincoln were ®n the subject of his emancipation procia-matioii. I knew the extraordinary pressure that came from the more radical e'emeiit of the Rcpublicsn party, embracing a number o jt5 ablest leaders, such as Sumner, Chase, Wade, Chandler and others, but I did not know, and few were permití ted to know, t ie importance of an emancipation po icy in restraining the recoguition ot the C'onfederacy by France and Eng and. I was earnestly opp .sed to an emancipation prod imalioM >>y tne President. For seviril week before it w’as issued I saw Lincoln frequently, and in several instances sat w th him for hours at a time, after the routine bjs ness of the day had been disposed of and the door-of the White Hou-'e were closed. I viewed the issue solely from a political standp iut, and certainly had the best of reasons for the views 1 pressed upon Lincoln, assuming tha' political expediency should control hi.s aelion. I reoiinded him that I he proclamation w uld not liberate a single slave; that the southern armies must be overthrown, ami that the territory lield hy theoj must be Conquered by militsry sine ss before it could lie m ide effective.
I appealed to him to issue a military onler as coinmamler-in-chief of the army and navy, proclaiming that every slave of a rebellious owner should be forever Iree when br*>ught within our lines. Looking ■*iraply to practical results, that would have accomplished everything that th * emancipation proclamation bad achieved; but it was evident during all the-e discussions that IJncoln viewed the question from a very much higher sta idjioint than 1 did, although, as usual, he said but little HF.d gave no clew to the bent of his mind on the subject.
1 reminded Lincoln that politica defeat would be inevitable in th® great states of the Union in th^ elections soon to follow, if he issue
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the emancipation proclamation; tha New York, New Jersey, Penn.-yl' vania, Ohio, Indiana and 111 nois would undoubtedly vote Democra-ic and elect Democratic delegations to the next Congress. He did not dispute my judgment a< to the political effect of the proclamation, but I never left him with any reasonable hope that 1 had seriously impressed him on the subject.
Ev ry political prediction 1 made
WVS KK 1 I’LI.Y rULFILLKI)
in the succeeding October and November elections. New’ York elected Governor Seymour by 10,7000 majority, and chose 17 Democratic and 14 Republican Congressmen. New Jersey elected a Democratic Governor by 14,500, and 4 Democrats and 1 Republican to Congress. Penn-8^’lvania elected the Democratic state ticket by 3,500 majority, and 13 Democrats and 11 Republicans to Congress, with aDeraocratic Legislature that chose Buckalew to the United States Senate. Ohio elected the Democratic state ticket by 5,500 majority, and 14 Democrats and 2 Republicans to Congress, Ashley and Schenck being the only two who escaped in the political Waterloo. In diana e'ected the Democratic state ticket by 9,500 majority and 7 Democrats and 4 Republicans to Congress, w’ith 30 Democratic majority in the I.*egislature. Illinois elected the Democratic state ticket by 16,500 raajoriiy, and 9 Democrats and 5 Republicans to Congress, and 28 Democratic majority in the Legisla^ ture.
Confidently anticipating these dis. astrous political results, I could not conceive it poss ble for Lincoln to successfully adminster the governs ment and proscute the war with the six most important loyal states of the Union declaring against him at the polls; but Lincoln new that the ma« jo^'ity in Congress would be safe, as the rebellious states were excluded, and the far West and New England were ready to sustain the emancipation policy, and he appreciated, sts 1
di<l not, that the magnitude of his act cast all mere considerations of expediency into nothingness. He dared to d»> the right for the sake of the right. I speak of this the more freely because, m the light of events as they appear today, he rose to t» e Sublimest duty of his life, while I was pleading ihe mere expedient of a day against a record for human freed MU that mu t be immortal w ile liberty has worshippers in any land or clime.
A. K. McClure.
CATHOLICS SPEAKING IN PROTESTANT COLLEGES
The growing Ii erality in American institutions of learning towards Ca holies is quite apparent. Only last we*»k two notew*o.riby insLinceH of this improved sentiment were given,—and in the two leading uni. versities of the laud. At Cambridge, Vicar-General Byrne, of the archi dioc se of Bos on, spoke to Harvard students at one of tliei conferences upon “ The I’rinciple of Author ty in Religion.” At New Haven a few evening» later Bi hop Keane, Rector of the Catholic University in Washi ington, was speaking to Yale students under the auspices of the Kent Chib, upon “The Church and its attitude toward» the Social Problems of the Day.” This is said to have been the first time, moreover, in the history of that University that a Catholic has been asked to address the stu. dents within its grounds. At Cambridge a precedent was set something more than a year ago whcQ-Bis .op Keane, introduced by President EliiA, delivered his noble plea for “Christ the Light of the World” before an audience ihat filled Apple-tou Chapel.
Tne students who had the privileffe of tiearing either of t le lectures last week musi have listened w th atten-ti >n to the stio ig and abb t eatment of such themes by such men. The Church's attitude towards modern social problems is a subject upon whicii very many American college students are not well iiiforiuKl; and we have m> doubt they learueil much of the nature and scope ot these problems, ami of the best way of liandhng them in a sjiirit of Christian wisdom.
Harvard Uni\ersity, in the mid.st of Ll^^'itariainsm and largely swayed by Unitarian intliienc-, has the name of regarding all religions and relig* ions beliefs from a philosophical point of view,—as only a matter of opinion; but however much or little of just criticism there is iii this notion, it was an opportunity of sow-ing good seed which Fr. Byrne had, aud from the accjiints we have of his lecture we are sun* be improved It. In his treatment of the principle of authority in religion the students must have found that tb.-re was such a thing as definite teaching upon a most weighty subject, and put before them in strong, clear terms; in a way to convince their reason and to lead them, if they never did so ba-fore, to 1 .ok carefully into theclaims of our holy faith. “The Roman Catholic Church,” said the reverend speaker, alter showing the failure of all other theories of authority, “claims its authority iu matters of religion by tracing its descent from Christ, It alone claims to be and is infallible. We cannot rest on mere belief; we must have certitude in religious matters. If the Church is infallible and has authority, it is important to know w hat is the Church. The Jioman Catholic Church fills all the reijuirements given hy Christ for His Church. I», iscatholic, it is holy; it has authority to preach to w’hole World until the end of time.”
Such w ords as these say something definite. They are notes of a new gosjiel of strength to the unse-tled young men of this generation.
THEY DIDN’T DO IT.
POPULAR TALKS ON LAW.
BY WM. C. 8BKA6UE.
On Thursday, 18th ultimo, a w’hite man entered the True Reformers Savings Bank, Richmond, Va. He informed cashier R. T. Hill that he represented the Hall Safe and Time Lock Company and was present to inspect the time lock.
Cashier Hill turned to President Brown and told him w’hat the man had said. In the meantime, he had advanced and looking over the cashier’s shoulder and at the same time eyeing a suspicious bag of tools, told him that the time»lock w’as all right and needed no examination, and if it should need it he would let him kn^w. The man replied that if he examined it now it would cost onlv flO whereas if he had to make another trip it would cost ll^lOO. President Brown replied that he would rather pay $100 when the lock needed examination than $10 when it did not need it. At the same time he told him he would never get inside there to examine that safe.
The robbery of safes in Staunton on the 13th led these bank officials to think that possibly this man belonged to the same gaog. His idea may possibly have been to have fixed the time look so it would not act that night and his work on the safe would thus have been facilitated.—Jiich** moné Plmnet,
Mercantile Agencies Continued.
We have seen in my three previous papers on the subject of Mercantile Agencies that the law as genera ly laid down in th s country is to the effect that reports of mere mtil» agen 3Íes are privileged conimunica. lions—that is, such communications as exempt them from liabiliiy for statements otherwise libelous, when, and only when, such repo ts are made to subscribers to the agency having an interest in the ioformation given. W e have also found that this interest be a specific interest, that is, not such an interest as subscribers have in all persons who are reported, but an interest in the particular concern or business concerning which the report is mad \ That the law in Canada w'ould seem to be almost the reverse; in other words, that no re*» port by an agency is privileged, whether rrade to an interested subscriber o.* LOt. Frequently agencies make c ntracts witu their subscribers by which the latter aSjUrae the responsibility, risk and liability for negligence or incorrect statements on the part of th”»i^e cy’s employees in procuring, collecting and com-municatiog the information. Such «ontracts have been upheld iu two cases, which are the only onrs we find, both in Pennsylvania, and one against Dun and the other against B adstreet. There are statutes in many of the States which provide that in order to maintain an action against a, person for a representation concerning the character in trade of any other person, it is necessary that the representation be in writing and signed by the person sought to be charged. Where it has been snught to apply this statute to mercantile agencies in ca es where their reports are not in writing, there has developed a difference of opinion on the part of courts, whicii leaves the question unsettled. One view is that the agency waives its right to take «idvantage of the statute by its original contract with the subscriber. Another view is ihat the agency is liable, not upon the representation, but upon the contract, and that no statute requires the latter tn be in writing. Statutes of this character are found in Alabama, California, Indiana, Kentucky, Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Missouri, Oregon, South Carolina, Vermont, Virginia and Wyoming, and cases upon this subject are the following: Sprague v. Dun, 12 Pliila. (Pa.), 310; McLean v. Dun, U. C., 399 Q. B, .">51; Swan v. Phillips, 8 A. and E, 457.
Sometimes a merchant, in order to gain credit, makes to the mercantile agencies a false statement as to his busine-s character and ability. In such cases, one who has been de* Lauded by reason of his relying upon these representations, may maintain an action of deceit against such merchant. A fradulent intent upon the part of the merchant must be cLarly shown, and the representation must be so nearly connected with the transaction in w’hich the plaintiff alleges that he wa^ deceived, as lo make it plain that the defend ant intended the representation to be reli d upon in that transaction. It would, no doubt, be interesTng to attorneys throughout tlie country to know how far they are piotecttd in responding to requests made by mercantile agencies as to the responsibility of merchants. A ery little has come before the courts to help in determining the (luestion. There is a case reported in the Albany Journal^ first volume, page 323, tried in September, 1870, belore a Circuit Court in New York, in which the attorney received a letter with printed questions from J. M, Bradstreet & Son’s agency, inquiring as to the standing, character and financial ability of a party named Sherwood. This letter he answered. Sherwood sued the attorney for libel, because of matter contained in that answer. The judge charged the jury that the communication made by the attorney to the agency was not privileged, and it was laid down that the protection which 18 given to the proprietor of a mercantile agency in reporting the standing of a party to one of its subscribers, is not given to the country correspondent of the agency. It would seem, however, that any ruling that would hold the agency irresponsible in the matter, would also protect the country correspondent, who is nothing more or less than a clerk or agent of the agency for a particular purpose. Indeed, it is almost the sole and universal method employed by agencies to obtain the information which they furnish to their patrons, and it is hard to see where any justice lies in holding the one responsible and the other not, and we belive if the ques« U«n ever comes before the higher conrts, as indeeji it would seem stiADge that it has not, the decision will be the reverse of that before quoted.
In our next we shall trial of the liability of mercantile age n lies doing a collection business.
CARDINAL GIBBONS’ RINGING LETTER.
Read at ‘•'wentith Annual
Meeting of the Society for the Suppression of Vice.
Tuisday evening, March 1st, the Society for the Suppression of Vice celebrated the twentieth anniversary of its organization by a public meet, ing at the Carnegie Music Hall, New York. Seated on the stage were a number of professional and business men of the city. Samuel Colgate, president of the society, presided. Addresses were made by Rev. Dr. J. M, BuckUy, Rev. Dr. John Ha 1, Rev. Dr. R. S. Mac Arthur, and Rev. Walter Elliot’, of the Paulist Fathers, Anthony Corn-stock spoke of the work of the organization, and among other things sa d :
“The following are a few of the results which we rejoice over tonight: 1732 persons have been arrested, and penalties amounting to 319 years and 1 day’s imprisonment, $111,877.25 • n fines have been imposed, while $83,450 of bail bonds hare b en forfeited to the Public Treasury, naaki ing a total of $195,327.25 secured for the Public Treasury through the efforts of this organization. Of matters seized, we report as follows: 48,599 pounds of books and she ts stock ready to bo bound; 27,324 pounds of stereotyped plates for prill'iag books; 820,7«0 obscene pictures and photographs, and 5,262 negatives for making photographs; • 379 steel and copper plates and 590 wood cuts and electro plates for illustrating books; 1,527,669 circulars, catalogues, leaflets, etc.; 32,683 newspapers containing unlawful adver-tisements; 990,570 names and ad-dres-ies to whom circulars may be sent, seized in the hands of persons arrested. 2,370 obscene figures and iinag»8, beside- a large amount of other matter of criminal character in conneclion with these things. Of tiambliug material, we have seized over 50 faro lay outs; 31 roulette tables and lay ouis; 25 red and black; 8 hazard; 123,870 chips; 1,781,041 pool tickets; 2,003,451 lottery tickets; 469,372 lottery circulars, besides a va-<t amount of other gambling paraphernalia and policy apparatus, mak» ing altogether about 15 tons of gambling and lottery material, and 44 tons of obscene matter.
These results are secured by the proper enforcement of law, backed by the eo>operation of police, prosecuting attorneys and c mrts. We so* cure the evidence, the police apprei hend, the district attorneys prosecute and the courts meet ont the penalty to offendCiS. Practically speaking, this society starts the wheel of Jus» tice.
The Western Society of which Mr. R. W. McAfee reports up to the 1st of January in addition to what we have done: 345 arrests, where penalties amojnting to 55 years, 6 months and 8 days, with fines of $42,201 have been imposed. Ile reports also seizing 6,116 pounds of books; 17,201 photographs; 455 neg* atives, and 520,547 circulars, Catalogues, songs, and poems.
The following lettyr of repoitfrom Cardinal Gibbons was read. Repeatedly the reader had to give way to the applause of the audience as they became enthuoed over the strong sentiments of righteousness which punctuated every sentence of the letter:
Cardinal’s Residence, Balto., Feb. I5th., 1892.
Mr. Anthony Comstock,
My Dear Sir;
While I deeply regret that my diocesan appointments make it impossible for me to attend what promises to be a very interesting and I trust profitable meeting of your Society on March 1st. I cannot help expressing high admiration for your efforts, and praise for your indefatigable perserverance, in the suppression of vice.
The energies of all noble men cannot be better applied than to the eradication of those capital vices of intemperance, gambling and bad reading, and no one deserves more lasting gratitude than he who strives to protect the youth of the age from their baneful influence. I am not sure that I am wrong in thinking the last mentioned more injurious than, or at least very often leads to the other two. The perusal of immoral and dangerous books, impregnates the system with a deadly poison, deadens moral sensibility and begets a constant incitement to the passions. It so acts upon the mind as to conceal the innate deformity of rtitemperance and other sins, and influences the will into the downward course. Light, indelicate, immoral literature, because it affords time for reflection and study more than ought else makes vice sink into one’s soul, and become bone of one’s bone. As air finds life, so the atmosphere of bad books feeds vice. More than this, because it creates a listlessness and a morbid fancy and greatly excites sensuality, it tends to destroy joyousness and activity of spirits and other foundations of youthful vigor, and thus leads to premature old age.
We may hence jadge how watchful parents and all who have charge •f youth, should be over the.r off-
>pring, to see that none but goo^ healthful reading be thrown in their way, and that immoral bocks be sedulously kept eat of scuool room and and library, F. r if guardians place vials of poison beyond the reach 61 children, and bur y the liitle oae® away from miasmic a d malarial districts, should not even more care he taken to prevent the infection of the moral miasma of bad books? The Lacedemonians forbade the poems of the Ionic Archilochus whom Plate admired »nd wh m H- race sung, because of their unbridled license, cam we, Christians, afford to be less circumspect and net forbid the publications whose only merit is often am incitement to prurient imaginations?^ The laws of quarantine--are judged neotrS.-ary and are usüally 'strictly ee-fo ced, eUe all so ts of disease and fevers will be brought into our land. Not less necessary, it seems to me, are laws which should be strictly enlorced, preventive of the diffusiom of base literature which does more harm to the soul and the nobler life of mankiud than fe*:er« and contagions do to the life ef the body and the health of citi s.
W^hile removing elements of danger, we should n .t faJ 'O inculcate a taste for wholesome reading by which the morals of our youth may be improved and the principles of right living instilled. Amd none intime •wiH be more eager te praise and bless us than the very ones for whom
Tre labor,
I am yours with gr^at regard,
Very faithfully in Christ,
(Signed) J- Cardinal Gibbons. The following letter was received from Bishop Keane :
The Catholic University of America.
Washingt n, D. C., Feb. 27, 1802. Mr. Anthony Comstock,
Dear Sir:
Ever since you explained to me the character of the work in which you have been engaged for twenty years, my horror of the evil which you are combatting and ti<y admiration tor the determined zeal with which you have so 1< ng pursued and resisted it, far from diminishing, have steadily grown stronger.
Does it not seem incredible tnat there can be human beings capable of making the.r living by syslematie endeavors to corrupt the minds and hearts of youth? We smile at the fables about vampires and harpies, ghouls and goblins, that live on human blood and fattened on humaa corruption. But are not beings such as those whom you have to combat still more execrable? And ought not their existence ts be still mor# incredible? They are simply monsters and they ought to be dealt with as such.
There is only one thing that would seem to me more incredible, it is, that there could possibly be a father or a mother or a Christian in a land who would not profoundly sympathize with your work and bid you Giod-speed. In the presence of such interests as are here Involved, all differences of creed or of politics vanish out of sight; the voice of cjmmon humanity bids ug
to be one.
Go on, dear sir, in your noblework. May your year» be prolonged and your energies multiplied till this horrid evil be exterminated from our country. May your voice resound till it makes mighty echoes in every corner of the land, till press and pulpit everywhere so join in the cry thai it may become impossible for the filthy traffic or any of the human demons engaged in it to fiad lodgment in America.
Very truly yours,
(Signed) John J. Keank.
DIVORGE SOGIETY’S gurse.
There is an organization in this country styled the Divorce Reform League. That body is engaged in the effort to secure action iu all the States, to the end of securing throughout the Union, legislation in the matter of divorce, which shall be uniform. Several States, with others soon to follow, have already appointed delegates to a proposed inter'State commission, to consider the question and suggest a uniform law for general adoption.
What need all of this bother: the appointment of commissions and the log rolling among the various legislatures, in the several States? Jesus Christ, Our Divine Savior, long ag# laid down a law, which should be universally received and uniformly obeyed by all believing Christians. That law is : no divorces at all. Whom God hath joined together, is the Savior’s statute, let no man put* asunder.
Men may plan and legislate aa much as they please, no other law but this can check the destroying progress of the divorce plague. They may cut and shape as whim may dictate; but once admit that the marriage tie may be tampered witls in any fashio» whatever, and it ceases to be thatsuie lifeJinot whick the law of God enjoins, and whiok the stability of the family, and tJiB safety of sooiety itself absolntely demands.—Ji^iy