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Broad Ax, The (Newspaper) - October 26, 1895, Salt Lake City, Utah ASR ?r HEW TO THE LINE. VOL. I. SALT LAKE CITY, UTAH, OCTOBER 26, 1895. No. 9. of my oft-expressed personal wish that all men everywhere could be free "Yours, "A. LINCOLN." The above letter is taken ver- batim from The American Conflict, Vol. II, page 250, by Horace Greeley. It was written in reply a number of gentlemen of this city, the letter from Mf GreeieV) jn hare called into question the cor- wHch the President wag 8eTCrely MB. LINCOLN AND THE 9 COLORED PEOPLE. SEVERAL weeks published in the BROAD Ax an from Mr. Lincoln's delivered September, 1858, wherein he showed his race prejudice and hos- tility to the negro. Since then several of the Utah newspapers and rectness of our conclusions. As a further proof that this distinguished President and the Republican party generally did not care for the aboli- tion of slavery, we publish the fol- lowing letter, which speaks for it- self- "EXECUTIVE MANSION, "Washington, Aug. 22, 1862. "Hon. Horace Greeley. "DEAR have just read yours of the 19th inst., addressed to myself through the New York Tridune. If there be in it any statements or assumptions of fact which I may know to be erroneous, I do not now and here controvert them. "If there be-any inferences which I may believe to be falsely drawn, I not now and here argue them. "If there be perceptable in it an ;mpatient and dictatorial tone, I waive it in deference to an old fnend, whose heart I have always supposed to be right. "As to the policy I 'seem to be as you say, I have not meant to leave anyone in doubt. I would save the Union. I would save it in the shortest way under the Consti- tution. "The sooner the national author- ity can be restored, the nearer the Union will be the Union as it was. If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the same time save slavery, I do not agree with them. If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the save time destroy slavery, do not agree with them. My paramount object is to save the Union, and not either to save or destroy slavery. "If I could save the Union with- out freeing any slaves, would do I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it, and if I .could do it by freeing some and leaving others, I would also do that. What I do about slavery and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save this Union; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union. I shall do less when- ever I shall believe what I am do- ing hurts the cause; and I shall do more whenever I believe doing more will help the cause. "I shall try to correct errors when shown to be errors; and I shall accept new views aa fast they shall appear to be true views. "I have here stated my purpose according to my views of official and I intend no modification criticized for not declaring the slaves all free, and contained a deep insinuation that the President was subserving to the interests of slave- holding. The author, on the next page of the same volume, says: "It is a Pope's bull against the suggested the President. So the President hesitated, de- murred and resisted." The preliminary proclamation of Mr. Lincoln, issued on the twenty- second day of September, 1862, in- formed the people of the rebellious states, that unless they submitted to the authority of the Federal government, the blacks would be set free on January 1st, 1863; -and that if all or any portion of the said states should thus submit, the proposed proclamation would not apply to them. This is the fair and legal construction of the lan- guage usen. The proclamation itself, issued January large portions of several seceded states, and also omitted Missouri, Kentucky, Tennessee, Delaware and Maryland, where slavery existed at the very time, to the same extent as in the more southern states. This proves conclusively to our mind, the statement we have often made, that "the slaves gained their freedom through the fortunes of war, and not from any design on the part of the Republican party, even on January 1st, 1863." In this article we do not desire to detract anything from the great- ness of President Lincoln. That he was honest, patriotic, wise and consistent, we heartily believe. He was a kind-hearted man, and one of the greatest of our honored presidents. But we have simply quoted from history, and the re- cords show that Mr. Lincoln was not an Abolitionist, and is not en- titled to the credit of destroying slavery by design, or from his ex- alted opinion of the colored people. If he were living today he would not claim the as he was too honest a man to wear a wreath of glory that did not rightfully be- long to him. Thus again we say, that as time goes on, and the passions and prejudices of the civil war cool down, it becomes more and more apparent that the negro has been the political football of the Repub- lican party for the past thirty years. It is now the duty of the colored people to shake off this incubus of ignorance and sentiment, aud read the history of the past with an im- partial judgment and act as intelli- gent, progressive American citizens. inations in Chicago, have since gained national prominence. Me was one of Carter Harrison's poli- tical proteges. On the weit side of Chicago, where the great popula- tion of Chicago is, he the nomination of a Prank represent the workingmen's interests in Congress, as against the powerful orator, and man of great influence, the Hon. John P. Finerty This fight is a memorable one in the political his- tory ot Chicago, the more so because Lawler's chances of victory over p. w. MCCAFFREY. THE above cut of Mr. P. W. McCaffrey, by those who know him, will be pronounced a good one. It shows a well-balanced head, a face of great determination, and just such a man who, in his own partic- ular way, will always be looked up to as an excellent leader, his leader- ship comprising the traits of firm- ness, consideration and the very acme of geniality. In a word, he perfects his own plans, and will be driven into line by no man. tor. McCaffrey first saw the light of day in Dundee, Scotland, upon July 30th, 1859 His parents were not wealthy, but they man- aged to give him a very liberal education. From boyhood he had a great desire to travel, and had his mind fixed, as a start, upon America. He landed in New York before he was eighteen years of age, alone, a stranger in a strange land. There he engaged in mer- cantile pursuits until 1881, and, in addition to the cultivation of business habits, he received a valu- able insight into practical politics, not alone in New York City.but also the village across the Brooklyn. The year 1887 found him in Chicago. His political ex- perience there, as a organizer of workingmen, made him prominent. Men whom he advanced by obtain- ing for them certain political nom- such a man as Finerty were con- sidered very small. However, Law- ler "got there." Just after this great political fight, Mr. McCaffrey, through the sickness and death of his wife, de- cided so as to drown the associa- tions daily arising before him to go to Kansas City, then one of the most boomiuij cities iu the West. There he embarked m the real estate and hotel business, working as manager, for three years, for the well known firm of Messrs. James Morton Sons, of Kansas City. A man that can hold down a position in the great firm of Morton Sons for three years can never be called unreliable, because Morton Sons will engage no one except he is strictly business, being busi- ness men of the first water them- selves. Leaving Kansas City he landed in Denver in 1890, and accepted the position of steward in the Markham hotel. In Denver he never took any prominent part in politics. He made several speeches but that was all. Mr. McCaffrey arrived in Salt Lake City in 1891. His political career here is well known. His present position, as general man- ager of the United Workingmen's Democratic clubs, is an evidence of his ability as a leader, and they are determined to stay by him until sunset of the 5th day of November next. 1EWSP4PERS EWSPAPER
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