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Frederick Town Herald (Newspaper) - January 29, 1831, Frederick, Maryland I WISH NO OTI1KH HKKALU, NO No. 58 OK MY LIVING ACTIONS, TO jiKKl- MINK HONOR KltOM UO11HU1TION. SIIAKS. MORNING, JANUARY SO, 1 PKLVTED AND PUBLISHED BY Will. OODEW MILES, AT THE OLD STAND, On Market, near Patrick streets. TERMS OF HERALD. The FREDEB1CK-TOWN HERALD is published every Saturday Morning-, at two dol- lars per annum, payable half yearly in advance, or if not paid within the year Two dolfa-s and fifty eattt will be charged. II. No subscription will received for a shorter period than six months; nor will the pa- per be discontinued until all arrearages arc paid, unless sit the discretion of" the editor. III. Advertisements not exceeding-a sq-.usre, will be inserted four times for one dollar, ami twenty-five cents for every subsequent inser- ones in the same proportion. IV. Communications, by mail must be postpaid, otherwise they will not be atten- ded to. From ike London Evangelical Magazine. THE WIDOWS MITES. Believer, hath the Lord increased, With bounteous hand thy store? And while thy neighbor's wealth hath ceased Doth thine augment the more! Then let the poor, the wretched share A portion of thy gain, But give in faith, and give with prayer, Else all thy gifts are vain. 'Tis writ that once the Saviour stood, While crowds the temple sought, And with unerring glance rcviexv'd The varied gifts they brought; The rich, the great, swept proudly by, And cast their offerings in; But oft the haughty step and eve Defiled the act At length a widow, poor and lone, Comes bent with years and woes; Two mites are all she culls her own, And in those mites she Ill can that weak and shrivell'd hand The scanty pittance spare, But faith and love the gift demand, And lo! the gift is there. And doubtless some that gift beheld, With wonder and with pain: And some the act had fain repelled With ill concealed disdain; But Christ the holy motive prized, And heard the contrite sigh, And taught that deeds by men despised, May have their high. "That widow mark, whose lioary head Has long with anguish striven; "Hex's the noblest he said, "Which thuday has been given: The rich, the great, whose means o'crflow, A fraction here let fall; But she, from home of want and woe, Comes forth, and Twenty-first Congress-----2d Session. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Friday, January 14, 1831. REPORT ON MANUFACTURES. Mr. Mallary, from the Committee on Manufactures, to which was referred so much of the President's Message as relates to the tariff of duties on imports and so much thereof as respects manu- factures, made the following report The Committee on Manufactures to whom it was referred so much of the President's Messag Tariff of Dufies on Imposts, and so much thereof as respects Manufac- report, that they have taken this delicate subject into full considera- tion. This was due, alike to the source from whence a review was recommen- ded, and to the importance of the sub- lect itself. They feel confident that they have done it without mingling with would be maintained. It was presum- ed (o have come from the people, and dictated by them to their Representa- tives. was expressed by the most decisive majorities in Congress, on re- peated occasions. Its effects, so far as they have been developed, have answered the hopes of its most ardent fiiends. Capital flows widely and freely through our extended country. The genius of our people IMS bet-n stimulated to greater and nivie diversified expilion. The useful arts are improving iu ,-very form that necessity or elegant taste may desire. committee most chceifully con- cur will, Resident in the animated view which he has taken of the condi- tion of our country. They adopt his language in describing that condition. UUth a population unparallelrd its increase, and possessing a character which the hardihood of en- terprize with the considerateness of wisdom, we see in every section of our happy country a steady improvement in the means of social intercourse and [cot respondent cflVi-ts upon the and laws of our extended Republic." the language of truth and jus- This lice. It form s the operation of their reasoning pow- ers, unreasonable ''likes and either to the system of protecting do- mestic industry, or to the views expres- sed by the Chief Magistrate. It is not the intention of the com- mittee to present to the House a mass of statistics, or labored arguments, in favor of the protecting system. In the recent discussions of the Tariff; all that could illustrate theory, or be prov- ed by experience, in our own and oth- er countries, has been presented. Our Government has adopted, and endea- vored to sustain, by repeated legislative enactments, a policy which has had the sanction of Washington, Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe. It has been sanctioned by "the continued acquies- cence of the States, and the general un- derstanding of the people." Confi- dence in its permanent duration is Warmly inspired. It is this alone which Can give it vigorous and successful ac- tion. A system of protection may ap- pear perfect in our statute books, and yet be useless to the country if expos- ed to perpetual danger. Skill already matured, will not venture upon uncer- tainty. The power of invention will never be exerted, if it has no confidence m the promises, and repeated promise of support. Capital will never come the aid of skill and enterprise, if it has no security for investment. It must have confidence, it must find solid hon- es-ty in individuals, as well as firmness i" government, or it will not be employ- t'41, During the last session of Congress, the declaration was oflm of protection should and ubjecl of and deep congratulation to everv 'patriot mind. While other nations aie suffer- ing under oppressive burthens, or con- vulsed with bloody revolutions, we wit- ness among oursel'ves in general, a calm arid confident repose. We see over- all portions of our broad country, pros- perity and happiness mobt equally and evenly diffused. Such is the prospect before us. It is the ofivprmg of our fortunate Gov- ernment, and the wise policy which has been adopted of cultivating our own resources, by the .skill, and industry, and enterprise of our own people. In considering lhat impeifcclion must be sbimped on the highest and best of hu- man institutions, it is matter of surprise that the apparent exceptions to the harmony of the prospect" are so few. They seem to arise rather from the ex- ercise of fervid imagination, than from evils which really exist. It can- nor, however, be expected that any code of laws, or any form of govern- ment ran dispense precisely the same benefits to every individual under their influence, wherever he may reside, and whatever may be his genius or pursuits. Nature herself has failed to do this.-But. when we see a great nation moving on with stately steps, unimpeded, to the In ight of happiness, opulence, and gran- deur, when every portion how ever min- ute partakes am ply of general prosperity it would seem that the apparent ex- ceptions to the harmony of thepropect" be permitted to melt down in warm felicitations, thai the prospect" of our whole country is so nobly grati- fying. It is to this wide and compre- henMve prospect that we may safely look for substantial reasons to preserve that Union, which it devoutly hoped may prove imperishable." The rornmitlee are much gratified to have the opinion of the President cleaily and fully expressed, that the tariff for protecting domestic industry- is constitutional. They think it proper to quote language so clear unequivo- cal. He says, that the power, lo im- pose duties on imports originally be- longed to the several States. The right to adjust those duties with a view to the encouragement of domestic branches of industry, is so completely incidental lo that power lhat it difficult to sup- pose the existence of one without the 11..... Hied, had the original power of impos- ing duties on imports. It is now trans- ferred to the Government of the Union in the most ample manner. Hud the States retained it they might exei- cised it as (hey pleased, lo accomplish any object they deemed proper. It might have been for revenue alone. It might have been employed solely to counteract the selfish policy of other stales or nations. It could have been exeicised for any purpose which suited the pleasure of sovereign power. But the Stales havedfli-gaU-d their whole pow- .er over imposts'io the United Slates. It would indeed be a strange anomaly if it could not now be exerci ed by the to which it has been trans- ferred as fully as it could have been by the States from which it was derived. The President has "declared, that- uhile object of duties should bd revenue, they may be so adjusted as to encourage manufactures." It seems to tne committee that this remaik is in plain collision wilh the sentiments he has previously maintained, lie has observed that (he authority to impose duties on imports, having parsed from the States, "the li-ht to exercise it for the purpose of protection does not exist in If it is u not possessi-d by the General Government, it must be extinct." "Our political would (bus present the anomaly "of a people stripped of a n'sjht to foster their own industry, and to counteract the selfish and destructive WHOLK No. 1494 policy most which could be adopted by nations.1' If revenue alone is wanted, duties for that object should be imposed. If pro- tection to domestic industry is requi- red, let duties be imposed to foster it." Why should the c.'iief object be reven- by protection secondary hen the Treasury may be full Many, now, apprehend that our revenue is, and will be, too abundant. But protection "against the most selfish and destruc- tive policy of foreign nations" can be secured by duties on imports. By them alone. Then they should be adjured to secure-protection. This should be the primary object. The protecting poxver haiirig once belonged to fhe and now transferred to the Gen- eral Government, it may be used as the good of the nation demands, for a pri- mary, not a secondary object, ft ought not to be loosrly attached to the skirts of revenue. Domestic industry is a single, great, even pre-eminent interest of the nation. It has been entrusted to the guardian care of the Constitu- tion. It now demands the exercise of that poxver which the States have .-ur- and untiring industry. Congress has for years and on repeated occasions, exercised its wisdom on (he Tariff. Its best efforts have been nr.ade. If errors exist, it would seem reasonable to ex- pect, that the Chief Magistrate, look- ing abroad from his high station over all the interests of the.country, and ob- serving their mutual relations and de- pendencies, should intimate to the rep- resentatives of the people, what par- ticular business of life has been warm- ly too coldly neglec- ted. Ii, adjusting the details of the Tariff, Congress has done what it deem- ed best for the general good. To reach the employments of life, it must go down to pHi-ticttfars. If the Piesi- dent is still dissatisfied, it might have been hoped that he would have designa- the precise error. It will always be borne in mind, by practical men, and they compose Ihe mass of the na- tion, that abstract theory, however splendid, does but little good, unless it conies to the aid of every of la- bor. In what consists the defect of the exiting Tariff? Individuals may dis- cover imperfections, but the collected wisdom of the nation has repeatedly declared that material chance is not de- manded. Nothing better under exis- ting circumstances can be done. Then let doubt and uncertainty be avoided. Tbpyaie evils next !o the suirender of the whole s) stem. The message advises Congress that "objects of national importance alone ought to be protected of these, the productions of our soil, our mines, and our workshop's, essential to national de- fence, occupy the first rank." It is to be presumed that Congress lias not been unmindful of productions "essential lo national defence." But ihe President says-, "Ihe present tariff taxes some of the comforts of life unnecessarily high." They are not defined. In the minds of all branches of the Government may I lion, in whatever quarter of our coun- move on in unison and safety, new em- try it may anoear. It .n..k -.11 barrassments appear lo be added to those already encountered by Congress in adjusting the detailed provisions of the tariff. It would seem to be the meaning of the President, lhat after a temporary protection has been extend- ed to a manufacture for a reasonable period, if it "cannot then compete with foreign labor on equal it does not merit protection. This doctrine has been repeatedly advanced in Con- gress, and the Committee presume it to be Ihe doctrine of the message, will riot stand the test of experiment. Prior to the late war, the coarse mus- lins consumed in the United States, weie imported from India, and cost the consumer about iwenty-jive cents ihe yard. By the war, the supply cut ofl--olir cotton mills began lo move, and a partial supply was furnished. At its close, when Ihe India cottons were again impoited, most of these establish- ments weie ruined. By the tariff of IS 10', establishing what was called (ho minimum duly on coarse cottons, the home market was effectually secured to our home manufacturers. Under try it may appear. It may speak well and pleasantly to the public ear, in fa- vor of a national protecting stslem, and yet, with a calm, fair, look- ing countenance, scatter such mysteri- ous, yet captivating doubts, at Ihe value ot its different provisions, that "small minorities" may be taught how jo form a "combination" to overthrow It. gives national impprlanctto an object or production of domestic industry Haw n te u 10 ?atjonal importance discovered Whence what principle decided it it place of prodiition in the United that tment. it iho character of "national im- portance Must hrodueiinc be found in ev- ery narrow subdivision of the country Must It, of necessity, be "general not Should the answer be in the affirmative, ihe concen- trated wisdom of the nation would never pro- many, what might be essential to na- rendered, for its promotion and preser- other. The States have delegated their whole authority ever imposts to the General Government, without limi- tation or restriction, saving the verv in- considerable reservation relating to their inspection laws. This authority having thus entirely passed from the States, the right to exercise it for the purpose of protection does not exist in them and, consequently, if it be not possessed by the General Government, it must be extinct. Our political system would thus present the anomaly of a people stripped of the right to foster their own industry, and to counteract the most selfish and destructive policy which might be adopted by foreign nations. This surely cannot be the case: this in- dispensable power, thus surrendered bv the rftates, must be within the scope of the authority on the subject expressly delegated lo Congress." The com- mittee would recommend this argument o the candid consideration of the House. RIost especially would they nvite (o its calm consideration those of our fellow citizens who honestly believe bat a protecting tariff violates Ihe Con- stitution. If (here are any who have >ecome regardless of Ihe rights, inter- ests, and welfare of the great majority of the nation, who are determined that all shall yield to their opinions who insist that they are infalibly right, and every one else is absolutely wrong; on such, reason and argument can have no influence. Still, the cause which enables our Chief Magistrate to give us such a glowing view of Ihe pros- porily of our country as ho has done, find will nnntinuc. The .States. iii thf-ir sovereign rapacity, as rxpri-s- >cd in (lie Muis.iiic. and cannot be du- vation. The President, in his message, fur- ther that, in the adjustment of protecting duties, ihe Government should be guided by the general good As an abstract proposition, this may be admitted. ''The general interest is the interest of each and it is only neces- sary that that interest should be under- stood to ensure the cordial of xxho think "it encourages abuses which ought to be corrected, and prom- otes injustice which ought to be obxi- ated." He also advises Congress that objects of national importance ought alone to be protected. Of these, the of our soil, our mines, and otir workshops, 4'essential to national defence, occupy the first rank. What- ever other species of domestic indus- try, having the importance to which I have referred, may be expected, after temporary protection, to compete with foreign labor on equal terms, merit the same attention in a subordinate de- gree." Suppose the opinion be cor- rect, "that objects of national impor- tance ought alone to be what then The President has not, by this general expression, afforded the least aid in adjusting the details of a protecting tariff. If the action of gov- ernment could be confined to abstract rules and principles, little difference of opinion would probably exist in the na- tion. The great embarrassment is found in making an application of ex- cellent theory lo praclical and useful purposes. The protecting system, the tariff is composed of humble items. These, united, make up the great mass of national industry. Had the Presi- dent been pleased to designate a fexv items only, which he supposed lo pos- sess "national or had he pointed out what comforts of life are taxed unnecessarily are (he tional defence, might also promote the comforts of life. If Ihe message meant only guns, powder and bullets, differ- ence of opinion, even then, might as to the extent of protection, which ought to be afforded to the various de- merits of which they are Its practical meaning is, therefore, ob- bclue. i-. presumed, would be considered essential lo "national de- and, being (he pioduct of "our should be piotected, But that protection which would produce Ihe material for a musket, would also fur- nish it for axes and ploughs. A duly lhat would give us domestic bullels, is all that might be required In supply Ihe country with domestic lead for every Hie. lint arc mu.skcts and powder and bullets nil that may be essential to "na- tional defence An army might be most abundantly provided with these, and yet be totally inefficient in the field if it wanted hats and coats and shirts and shoes and blankets. The condi- tion of our country, dining the last war, fcrnMied a well d'e fined illustration of this sentiment. Vaiiou.s then, were considered of national im- portance, which the doctrines of free trade now erase from (he But a duty imposed for promoting the domestic manufacture of these articles, for military purposes alone, would be an anomaly in the annals of any nation. piotecting policy, which could supply the wants of an army in war. riiii'.t be allowed lo operate in HPIICC Ihe difficulty of any classification of interests, while all are distinctly and equally governed by the same great constitutional power derived from the Slates. It is aUo to be remembered lhat peace wilh the world is the natural condition of this country. It is not Ihe foreign bayonet that we have the most reason to apprehend it is Ihe "selfish and destructive policy which might be adopted by foreign nations." To guard against this is an object of "national importance." For peace or war, (he protecting policy is equally adopted and it is believed by the Committee, that the best preparation for national defence may be found in Ihe rigorous its fostering influence they have flour- ished and multiplied and such have been our improvements in skill, and la- bour, and machinery, that the consu- mer, instead of paying twenty-five cents, now purchases at home a much belter article for eight cents Ihe yard. Largo exportation of them are made to foreign countries. They are carried to India, China and South America, where (hey ore sold lo advantage. But suppose the protecting duly withdrawn, and the American manufacturer Jell lo "compete with foreign labour on equal terms." Admit the cottons of India, England and Scotland, and what would be Ihe effect Within two ars not a single cotton null in the United Stales would be in motion. The immense rapital invested in them, amounting lo runny millions, would be ulleilv sunk to the country, and their owners irre- Irieiably ruined. And why No! be- cause ive cannot make goods ns cheap as in Mariches.tfr and Glasgow, but be- cause a war would be waged by British capital against American war of extermination Such a war has been ivagcd upon every article of Am- erican industry, w honever the protect- ing duly has been inadequate, or the laxv extruding the duty so frsimcd, thai mercantile cupidity and the cunning of foreign manufacturers could it. There is another lule laid down by Ihe President, r.hich the Committee have thought proper to examine. It contained in Ihe expression (hat "ob- of national importance alone ought (o be protected The Committee u ill riol here enter into a discussion of the question whether may riot protect objects local in cbarnclor. The Slates, in (heir oiiginal independence before (he adoption of the Constitution, cotilo have used the power of imposing duties on imports for ihe express pur- pose of protecting local accor- ding lo (he doctrine entertained by the Piciidriit, jn which Ihe Committee fully concur. The several Sl.iles no lunger- possess lhat power. Where is it Where it On what jJiflf is il laid The Government of the Union possesses it, or it has become "extinct If an object did present itje-lf, purely local in its character, and its protection was demanded by the prosperity and happiness of a single State, and Ibis could be best done, or done only, by the delegated power from fhe States to im- pose duties on imports, it should be well considered before Congress re- interests too local and minute to justi- fy a general exaction, which it under- takes to protect, and what kinds of manufactures for which the country is not ripe, it attempts .to we should then have light and benefit of il- lustration. General theory may be adopted wilh perfect unanimity. Its application to real use, its coming down to every day exertion of our fanners and mechanics, is a different affair. Under general theory, any one can make a retreat pnd maintain lhat it has been done with consistency and honor. Theory is best explained by ils Application to the axe, Ihe plough. Ihe hammer, and Ihr 'pindle. The chief magistrate presides over a people, xxho are engaged in unceasing cultivation of the arts of peace. Our people ought not to be perpetually de- pendent on orders in council or decrees, of Emperors. Our country ought not to wait until invasion surrounds it, and then beg blankets from invaders, lo warm a shivering army, engaged in "national defence." The President alludes to another spe- cies of industry having the importance to which he before had referred, and which may be expected, after "tempo- rary protection, to compete wilh for- eign labor on equal terms." This spe- cies of industry, in his opinion, merits "the same attention, in a subordinate while in speaking of objects "esserllial to national defence" he pre- scribes no limitation, either as to the extent of protection or ils The olher class he considers entitled to the "same yet qualified by the expression in "a subordinate de- gree." This qualification seems to render it difficult, if not impossible, to ascertain Iho extent of Ihe rule winch ho has adopted for own and the of of opening aluminous pathway, in which jccted a proposition for lhat purpose. The discussion of this subject, at this lime, is not intended. It may, howev- er, be intimated, that it is the duty of the General Government to protect ev- ery Slate, County, and Town in Ihe Union, from invasion. The Govern- ment of the Union is bound to protect every inch of our soil from a hostile bay- onet. It has equal power (o protect every finger of domestic industry a- gainst foreign competition- Let it be firmly exercised. It matters but little lo real national independence, whether foreign guns or foreign labor conquers us. However this may be considered, it is fully believed by the. Committee, that ihe present tariff, taken together, or in the minutest detail, is national in ils character, although the language of the President may seem lo imply, that, in this respect, it is defective. He has also told us, in his "it is an infirmity of our nature to mingle our interests and our prejudice! with the operation of our reasoning powers, and attribute to the of our likes and dislikes qualities they do not possess, and effects they cannot our deliberations on this interesting subject should be uninfluenced "by partizan and should not be made subservient "to the short-sighted views of faction." The Committee have a due regard both to the admoni- tion and the sentiments expressed by the President and (hoy also entertain a most ardent our fellow cit- izens will keep a ttcady, searching eye on every n.ovcmenl of political ambi- I..MH various our diiToreut cITmlies, our SftinfaA ulSj of industry, would present an impassable bar- rier against the adoption of any nysicm of protection. The farmer who grows wheat nsks the Did of Government, to protect that article. He knows that Poland, Russia, the Larbary Slates and France, may furnish, at limes, wheat cheaper on the seaboard, Ihan hecanaflbrd it. When he usts protection, an objection is made. Some portions union do not produce wheat. Its production is not general. It must he rejected. lluttcr and cheese arc presented for pro- tection. Our farmers can produce them in abundance. The Irish who subsists on the humblest fare that unfeeling oppres- sion deals out, may furnish them cheaper than the cultivators of'our soil. Yet, it is disco- vered thut portions of our extended country are unable to produce butter and cheese. They cannot be protected. They are "local, ami not general." Iryn is mentioned, It is indispensable'in peace and xvar. It may, perhaps, be for a time furnished by boors and serfs, laboring under the command of Uii.soin and Swedish nobility, u little cheaper than the Pennsylva- nia a.id New Jersey forgctnen can produce it, and live as independent citizens ought to live in a free country. But iron ix a "locul object, not general." It must be rejected. Hemp is article so valuable to the independence of all branches of the na- vigation of our country. The strong arm of protection holds foreign navigation away from our domestic trade. It should unfurl Ameri- can canvass wilh delight. It should alao he well kept in mind, that the great body of American consumers of foreign productions sustain navigation engaged in foreign com- merce. The splendid ship that carries and brings in still subordinate to the interests of those who buy, and use, and pay for the car- go. The niL.-chnnts on our seaboard may heap up wealth, build palaccts, command nil the luxuries of life; but they must well keep in mind that they all owe their prosperity to the strong arm of labor. They owe it to the dai- ly toil of our yeomanry, whether engaged in subduing the summits of the Green nioun- tiuns, or motivating-, the glens of the Alle- the hemp of Ohio, eiinessee, be protected, the- people of those stntcs have a share in the advantages of the policy which they are willing to defend. If it IIBM so happened that navigation engaged in trade is suf- fering from foivign competition, it is owing-to itself. All xvhich it asked for protection was freely given. WKMI it hud gained such an asccndi-ncy us it supposed would enable it to challenge foreign competition, it triumphant- ly told the government that protcUion wiis no longer xx anted. Hence, treaty after treaty has been concluded for reciprocal navigation. This was urged by the advocates of tree trade. If, now, it i.H a little crippled, if other nations" supply us with arittiemore navigation, is it a greater evil than if foreigners supplied us with a little more iron, or hemp, or or cottons, or woollens' Must the great sys- tem of protection be abandoned because na- vigation bus been indulged in its wish, and has been mmicwhul disappointed? The ad- vocates of free trade ought rather lo rejoice that one interc-M. is free from the fetter of protection. If foreign nations can build ships cheaper than the people of the United States, xx hy not cheerfully employ them According to the doctrines of free trade, so much would be gained. Hut yet, if navigation wants as- sistance, there is every reason to believe that the power which protected its infancy, if de- sired, will come cheerfully again to its sup port, in every way and by all means consis- tent with other great interests of the coun- iry. Rut hemp is "local, not a genfraT' pro- duction; and must, therefore, be rejected. Sugar is proposed. It is article of ne- cessity, comfort, and luxury. It cannot be produced in Maine in Pennsylvania. Its pro- duction must be confined to the warm region of our country, where the great staples of other ports arc uncongenial. But it mi.stbe rejected according to the rule. Its produc- tion is not general. The same maybe said of cotton and wool, of every article named in the tariff. The greatest and most valuable productions of domestic industry are more or less local in their general. Hence, if the rule is, that every portion of the country must alike contribute to the production of an article, which the constitution will alloxv to be protected, there never can be a protecting ta- riff at all; human wisdom could not devise one which would confer the least benefit on the country. The rule that any particular object of do- mestic industry, must possess "national impor- to entitle it to protection, may be safe- ly adopted, if properly understood and appli- ed. A broad view must be taken of the con- dition of our country, of its productions, of iu various business, of its perpetually blending and mingling interests. We must see the mutual relations which esirt between the nar- rowest sections of, our country, and ascertain how widely and generally the various produc- tions of domestic industry arc distributed amongst the people. We should ascertain, for the practical purpose of legislation, what articles of domestic production, great or tmall, maybe reqirrcd for general use; what arti- cles the people want; what their comfort and convenience demand; what articles are gath- ered up and distributed by the trade, business, and commerce of the country. The names of the articles may be may be broad cloths, thimbles, bar-iron, engines, or Hie fabrics of cotton. But, ever name, the right of protection considered with reference to great princi- ples, before mentioned.
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