Cedar Rapids Gazette, August 13, 1974, Page 6

Publication: Cedar Rapids Gazette August 13, 1974

Cedar Rapids Gazette (Newspaper) - August 13, 1974, Cedar Rapids, Iowa Uw ff A l l ye ^ • 4 frYtfl 1 a «4« a4 fir wfinr iii I I f Ford on issues? Hints in voting record By Aion Ehrenhalt Editorial Page Tuesday, August 13, 1974 Bizarre defense IN A DECISION which Chief of Police Wallace LaPeters terms “surprising,” the Cedar Rapids civil service commission has upheld the suspension of five detectives under indictment on charges of obstruction of justice, perjury and (in four of the cases) conspiracy. These indictments, LaPeters argued before the commission last week, are “unreasonable,” which thesis expands the chief’s earlier assertion (to a service club audience) that the indictments are “poorly drawn” and “a mess.” While LaPeters’ lament over the understaffed detective bureau is understandable, his petition to reinstate officers accused of lawless acts itself is unreasonable. The civil service commission’s ruling was manifestly correct: The fact that the men are under indictment is enough to warrant their suspensions. Officers of the law must be beyond reproach, which the accused men will be if found innocent and reinstated and compensated for missed wages. While they remain under the cloud of indictment, though, it is certain that the public would not countenance their reinstatement. no matter what their level of competence. Solidifying this belief is the nature of the charges: They stem from a reported series of intrigues which allegedly undermined morale on the police force before LaPeters’ arrival in Cedar Rapids. As for the reasonability of the indictments, that is for the courts of law to decide, not police chiefs — not even those who possess law degrees, as LaPeters does. It was a quaint remark, the chief’s labeling of the indictments as “unreasonable,” but no more so than the earlier vow (in the service club speech) to “personally go after Garry Woodward,” the special prosecutor, if the charges against the officers are not proven. Chief LaPeters established himself as a colorful character when he booked the accused officers at a motor inn last month. His bizarre plea for reinstatement of officers under indictment and his resolve to settle things with the special prosecutor (old West style, perhaps?) if charges don't stick do nothing to dispel that image. . Money-back amends SINCE THE Civil Aeronautics Board’s arbitrary ticket price rulings have drawn several arrows from this corner recently, the rules of fairness demand applause for the latest CAB innovation: monetary compensation for passengers who are bumped from flights on which their passage had been confirmed. Naturally, a great tangle of red tape lies strewn between the stood-up passenger and collection of $25 to $200 in noncontested damages, but if the airline indeed is guilty of overbooking, justice is attainable. Not only must the airline offer compensation for the inconvenience, it must honor the passenger’s ticket as space becomes available or refund the full fare, whichever the customer chooses. With the CAB’S consumer advocacy now on record and the few derelict airline employes presumably taking note, the next question is, why not similar avenues for customer redress throughout the passenger transportation business? Certain regional bus companies would not be so lethargic in scaring up supplementary vehicles for overflow passenger-loads if patrons could reclaim a portion of the ticket cost. Amtrak’s scheduling and booking nightmares might vanish suddenly if that semi-public agency were compelled to go beyond saying, “Whoops, sorry.” Manifestly, too, there is no People's forum Too early To tho Editor Angry! That is an understatement. When I read that our school begins on Aug. 22. I couldn't believe my eyes. It gets stretched out longer and longer every year. Soon they will be going all year long. This is being pushed on us a little at a time Maybe we will get to set* our children on weekends if we promise to In* good and not try to influence them in any way. Granted, it is great for mothers who work: they eau cut down baby-sitting costs Hut we didn’t get our youngsters to have someone else raise them, and we like to have them home with us in the summer for a few weeks. I think this trend is for the birds To make it worse, there is not one darned thing I can do about it. It is completely frustrating I guess I could keep the children home a week in the fall and pull them out a couple weeks earlier in the spring Or I could keep them home and teach them myself I already do a lot of it Up until tile last few years I have been completely for some form or another of higher education. However, my opinion is nearly reversed There are already too reason why obligations to passengers should stop at the guarantee of on-time boarding and safe passage. Travelers also should be able to recoup portions of their fares if destinations are reached hours late. It is too bad that wheeler-dealer Bill Veeck did not find his niche in the transportation industry instead of spectator sports. Veeck, as his many -eaders know', believes in making the customer pay for everything; he would never doIe out thousands of freebies as some World Eootball League teams did recently to hypo attendance figures. But he insists that once the patron has paid, he is entitled to one hell of a fine time. To a harried traveling public merely hopeful of getting on board and arriving on time, Bill Veeck indeed would seem a champion knight. Isn t it the truth? By Carl Riblet, |r. In government there are four classes of worker: congressmen, presidential appointees. corporation appointees, which is to say, lobbyists, and the bureaucrats. Only the bureaucrats do not care who is President. He can’t snub them, fire them, retire them or cut their take-home pay. He can only multiply them It is not the burden but the overburden that kills the beast." — Spanish proverb InferOceon Press Syridicote many "educated nincompoops” in the country You evidently don’t learn logic and good common sense from books And I don’t think we can survive without them. I don’t want anyone to think that I include everyone with an education in that category, because I don’t. But there certainly are getting to bt* quite a few , or else I have just lieen exposed to more of them recently. It is logical thai summer is the time when parents have a chance to spend time with their children and teach them things they should know that don’t come from books. That time is getting cut shorter and shorter School l>oard elections are coming up again soon These boards should Im* the controlling factor. I sincerely hope that people will carefully consider the character of the candidates they choose to vote for. That really isn t ton hard in a small election, not nearly as hard as in a general election There are still some good, upstanding, basically honest people who could run for the office, if they would, instead of sitting back and saying, ‘Tx*t George do it ” I think we all have had enough of dishonesty and immorality in public office We need a good stiff broom for a good clean sweep (irate Kubik < enter Point WASHINGTON - President Gerald R. Fords record in congress makes it unlikely he will strike out in major new directions from Nixon administration policies. Ford favors a strong defense establishment and advocates limiting federal involvement to solve social issues He was among the first to propose revenue sharing with the states, a key element of Nixon’s "new federalism.” Ford's voting record in congress was one of close agreement with his predecessor. In 1972. for example, Ford supported Nixon on SII percent of tin* house votes on which the former President had taken a position That put Ford ahead of all but one of his colleagues lie voted to sustain every Nixon veto the holist* considered in 1973. About the only serious difference came on mass transit legislation. Ford, a native of auto-dependent Michigan, opposed diverting highway trust fund money for mass transit use, a proposal supported by N ixon. Ford’s ties to Nixon do not simply reflect personal loyalty. They bespeak a conservative kinship that has existed for nearly 30 years, from the one term they served together in the house in the 1940s, through Nixon's vice-presidency and Ford’s elevation as house minority leader in 1905, and on into Ford’s last months as loyal vice-president under a Chief Executive discredited by scandal. Ford has sought to discourage any efforts to label him as a conservative ideologue. "I am a moderate on domestic issues," he told a congressional committee looking into his vice-presidential confirmation, "a conservative in fiscal affairs, and a dyed-in-the-wool internationalist.” Many liberals, however, insisted he was no moderate at all. "They’ll rue the day,” complained Rep. Don Edwards (D-C’alif.) after the choice was made. “He’s more conservative than Nixon and his judgment’s not as good.” Ford s judgment is not a matter of public record. Hut his conservatism is. and it shows up in the thousands of votes he has taken since he arriv ed in the house in 1949. The new President shares his predecessor's skepticism about expanding the role of the federal government, his reluctance to make substantial reductions in the defense budget, and his hostility toward militant expressions of social protest. In 19H7, Ford attacked the philosophy that "everything can be cured through federal dictation and federal funds, doled out through grants-in-aid which keep Washington as the manipulator of all the strings." During the 1950s and 19H0s, Ford voted against most legislation expanding the federal role in solving modern social welfare problems. He opposed federal aid to education in the early 1900s, voted against creation of the Office of Economic Opportunity and Medicare, and opposed federal help for state water pollution programs in 1950 and 1900 By the last years of the Johnson administration, Ford was publicly advocating revenue sharing as an alternative to continued federal government expansion. “Tax sharing,” he said in 1907. “would restore the needed vitality and diversity to our federal system . . . Republicans have faith in the constitutional concept of federalism, which requires strong and vigorous state as well as federal action on a variety of national problems.’’ Ford has sought to limit the federal government role in the protection of civil rights. He has voted for some civil rights bills, such as the civil rights act of 19B4 and the voting rights act of 1965. But he backed weaker substitutes for these bills ax , Saw, rn NC IOMI PKT . I m new at this . . . What’s the situation?’ prior to their passage, and endorsed the Nixon administration’s effort to water down the voting rights act in 19159 He opposed federal open housing legislation in 19HH, but supported it in 19BK, when it passed congress and became law”. Ford’s suspicious attitude toward federal spending has not extended to spending for national defense. A member of the defense appropriations subcommittee for many years before his election as Republican leader, Ford consistently fought in favor of giving the defense department the resources it wanted In 1952, Ford was one of only ll Republicans to vote against an amendment limiting defense spending to $4B-million; he was still voting against similar amendments during his last days in the house in 1973. Another point consistently at issue between Ford and liberals has been the Vietnam war. He was critical of President Lyndon B. Johnson for not pursuing the war more vigorously, and in 19(57 gave a speech on the house floor entitled, "Why Are We Pulling Our Best Punches in Vietnam?” Ford supported President Nixon's policy of gradual Vietnamization, and endorsed the 1973 peace treaty. Through the end of his house career, he continued to oppose any legislation to end the Vietnam war faster than Nixon wanted to move. This included Ford votes against amendments to end U.S. bombing of Cambodia in the summer of 1973 On matters of social protest, Ford has taken a consistently conservative position. Even while criticizing the Johnson Vietnam policy, he lashed out at those opposed to the war from the left. “Today," he said in 19(55. "our so-called ‘teach-ins’ and ‘peace’ demonstrations call for ‘peace-at-any-price’ — while the seeds of communist atrocity take root And yet the appeasers speak of morality." He continues to take a hard line on the question of amnesty. “Unconditional blanket amnesty to anyone who illegally evaded or fled military service is wrong," Ford insisted Aug. 5. Ford supported a 19BH amendment that would have required colleges to cut off federal aid to students who participated in campus disruptions. He endorsed the Nixon administration's handling of the 1971 “May Day” war protest, in which police used mass arrests to sweep 12,IMN! persons off the streets of Washington on the day of demonstrations Ford quickly gained a reputation among liberals as being soft on civil liberties for his 1970 attack on supreme court Justice William 0. Douglas. Clean candidates To the Editor In the wake of the Watergate revelations, many have, iii some twisted way, attempted to associate the scandals of this administration with the actions of the Republican party. This is unfortunate, because such an association is misleading and unfair In the first place, it was the Committee for the Re-election of the President, not the Republican party, which accepted the massive corporate donations Iii the second place, the congress for 29 solid years has been controlled by the Democratic party, iii both houses In this time we went through the Korean war, the McCarthy period, the Bay of Pigs, Vietnam. Watergate, and rampant infla tion If congress is indeed concerned about these problems, why has it failed to act on these problems? If the congress is to accept credit for the success of the country’s policies, it must also Im* willing to accept blame for the failures Finally, Iowa has been blessed in these last years with the excellent leadership of Bob Ray and Art Neu These two men. presiding over Iowa s executive and legislative branches of government, have been responsible for the passage of much progressive legislation that was badly needed Consider, too, Tom Riley, candidate for congressman, one of the most respected and influential men in the Iowa legislature, and also Dave Stanley, candidate for U. S. senator, who has done much to open up Iowa’s government and make it more responsive to the needs of the people. These men never participated in any sort of coverup whatsoever Instead, they have provided the state of Iowa with excellent leadership It is time that the American public realize that there will always Im- Water-gates and V letnams as long as the public itself is not concerned enough to involve itself in the affairs which govern it A well educated public could not tx- bought by BO-second advertising spots or posters, and there would be no need for the expenditure by all candidates of millions of dollars for the selling of a candidate More than anything else these days we need a public which is concerned about the political future of the country, and is willing to do a little homework before making decisions on what or whom to support or criticize Be careful when you do vote: you might Im- surprised by what you’re voting for Scott (iran Elkader Shortly after Douglas authored a book,“Points of Rebellion ”, which defended civil disobedience, Ford called the book “a fuzzy harangue evidently intended to give historic legitimacy to the militant-hippie-yippie movement " Combining his complaints against the book with charges that Douglas maintained improper financial connections with a private foundation. Ford urged that Douglas be impeached. Ford denied that a crime was required for impeachment. “An impeachable offense,” Ford said, "is whatever the house of representatives considers it to be at a given moment in history.” During the hearings that preceded his confirmation. Ford did indicate his differences with President Nixon in the style of administration he would conduct. He promised open government, responsive to the requests of congress for contact and information. bord said he would never deny courts documents bearing on possible crimes by anyone in the White House. He conceded that, "I don’t think a President has unlimited authority in the area of executive privilege.” He came out against the dismissal of Special Prosecutor Archibald Cox, and said that if he were President, his door would be open to Democrats as well as Republicans. Many who differed with Ford on ideological grounds expressed faith in his promises of an open administration. They noted that he had been open and accessible during nearly nine years as Republican leader, and felt that his policy in the White House would be the same. Congressionol Quarterly To ‘Nixon people’: Don’t holler foul!’ By William Safire 117 ASHINGTON — Not so long ago, * * about four out of IO adults in this country referred to themselves politically as “Nixon people.” How should they react to the forced resignation of the man who for so long embodied their beliefs and their prejudices? As a card-carrying member of that group, let me suggest a few reactions both to those who made it to the lifeboats and those who went down with the ship: First, toward Richard Nixon. Despite the frequent hypocrisy of some of his pursuers, he was not unfairly ejected He is now America's only living former President, for good reasons. When he first learned that some men acting in his name committed a crime, he put the bonds of friendship ahead of his oath of Richard Nixon office. When he had the chance to destroy all the tapes just after their existence had become known, he made the wrong tactical decision, and nobody is patting him on tin* back now for his rectitude in not destroying the evidence that proved him guilty. In retrospect, all the maneuvers his supporters considered so ill-advised iii establishing his innocence gain an intelligent pattern when viewed as a means toward preventing revelation of his guilt He “knew’*; ne knew that there was proof that he “knew”; and all his actions for the last year, from the firing of Archibald Fox to the rejection of subpenas to the falsely based appeal to the supreme court, were absolutely consistent. Knew the score No wonder, then, he would allow no lawyer to listen to the tapes. Ile was stalling for time and playing for breaks, and on such a course there was nolxxly he could trust without making him a coconspirator Nixon was never indecisive, never floundering, as so many of us had anguished His plan was to protect the tapes at all costs, and their cost was all Therefore, no torment of unfairness is due him from the “Nixon people ” When Black Sox outfielder Shoeless Joe Jackson was approached by a fan crying. Say i* ain’t so." the corrupted ballplayer said nothing Nixon said it wasn’t so As we spare him our tears, we can afford him more than a little respect He was never the would-be dictator his severest critics have claimed, and his motives were either noble (to make a peace that would last) or at least not ignoble (to gam the adulation that would flow from being the man who made the peace). The people who supported him, and most of those who worked for him, can look around now that the shelling has ceased and point out much of substance that was done in reflecting the will of the people — which, lest we forget, earned such a ringing affirmation of support just a year and a half ago. Toward President Ford, the reaction of the "Nixon people" should be far different from the reaction, say, of the Kennedy people to the ascension of President Johnson Here is no cultural or stylistic usurper; Ford was not Nixon’s necessary compromise, but his chosen heir, deserving of a transfer of old loyalties. As vice-president, Ford made only one misstep in the loyal support of the man who nominated him, when he discussed months ago the potential makeup of his administration with a reporter on background When I called him about that. Ford freely acknowledged having been the source and said he had made a mistake. That was refreshing. Afterward. he comported himself in a difficult situation with correctness and dignity. Good signs As President, Ford has chosen two of the best ol the early Nixon supporters to be on his transition committee: Interior Secretary Rogers Morton and NATO Ambassador Donald Rumsfeld, both of whom bear the scars of battle with the Nixon palace guard Rumsfeld, a former congressman in his early 49s, is especially valuable. Finally, how should the former "Nixon people’’ view the ecstatic political opposition, led by that agglomeration of academics, old liberals, advocacy journalists and establishment power centers so wrong about the country iii 1972 and so right about Nixon in 1973? (As usual in these oversimplifications, we leave out all the uncategorizables who deride elections.) For the country's sake and r own. let us let them have their tune of vindication without resentment. The triumph of justice is nobody’s political defeat Churchill s "iii defeat, defiance” does not apply, because Nixon’s defeat is not the defeat of the "Nixon people” nor of the causes the former President espoused, only the defeat of that misguided toughness which is a form of weakness. Of course, "in victory, magnanimity" does apply, if in months to come, those who justly brought Nixon down want to make a martyr out of him, dragging him down Pennsylvania Avenue behind a chariot, here we go again on another round of vindictiveness For Nixon, who might not have shown enough contrition to satisfy everyone, in nearly Ills last words as President showed that the underlying lesson of Watergate had finally sunk in “ . . Those who hate you don’t win unless you hate them — and then you destroy your self ” Ne* Yolk I u»ie\ Service- i f ;

  • Aion Ehrenhalt
  • Archibald Cox
  • Bill Veeck
  • Bob Ray
  • Carl Riblet
  • Dave Stanley
  • Don Edwards
  • Donald Rumsfeld
  • Garry Woodward
  • Gerald R. Fords
  • Lyndon B. Johnson
  • Richard Nixon
  • Rogers Morton
  • Shoeless Joe Jackson
  • Tom Riley
  • William Safire

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Publication: Cedar Rapids Gazette

Location: Cedar Rapids, Iowa

Issue Date: August 13, 1974

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