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   Cedar Rapids Gazette (Newspaper) - August 13, 1974, Cedar Rapids, Iowa                                V- Ford on issues? Hints in voting record Editorial Page Tuesday. August 13, 1974 Bizarre defense IN A DECISION which I'hii-f uf Police Wallace UPeters terms "surprising." the Cedar Rapids civil service commission has uphold the suspension of five detectives under indictment on charges of obstruction of justice, perjury and (in four of the cases) conspiracy. These indictments. LaPeters argued before the com- mission last week. arc which thesis ex- pands the chief's earlier assertion (to a service club audience I that the indictments are "poorly drawn" and "a mess." While LaPeters' lament over the understaffed detective bureau is understandable, his petition tu reinstate officers accused ol lawless acts itself is unreasonable. The civil service commission's ruling was manifestly correct: The fact that the men are under indictment is enough to warrant Ihi'ir suspensions. Officers of the law must be beyond reproach, which the ac- cused men will be if found in- nocent and reinstated and com- pensated for missed wages. While they remain under the cloud of indictment, though, it is certain that the public would not countenance their reinstatement, no matter what their level of competence Solidifying this belief is the nature of the charges: They stem from a reported series of intrigues which allegedly un- dermined morale on the police force before LaPeters' arrival in Cedar Rapids. As for the reasonability of the indictments, that is for the courts nf law to decide, not police chiefs not even those who possess law degrees, as LaPeters does. It was a quaint remark, the chief's labeling of the indictments as but no more so than the earlier vow (in the ser- vice club speech) to "personally go after Garry the special prosecutor, if the charges against the officers are nut proven. Chief LaPeters established himself as a colorful character when he booked the accused of- ficers at a motor inn last month. His bizarre plea for reinstatement of officers under indictment and his resolve to settle things with the special prosecutor (old West style, if charges don't stick do nothing to dispel that image. Money-back amends SINCE THE Civil Aeronautics Board's arbitrary ticket price rulings have drawn several arrows from this corner recently, the rules of fairness demand applause for the latest CAB in- novation: compensation for passengers who are bumped from flights on which their pas- sage had been confirmed. Naturally, a great tangle of red tape lies strewn between the stood-up passenger and collection of to in noncontested damages, but if the airline indeed is guilty of overbooking, justice is attainable. Not only must the airline offer compensation for the inconvenience, it must honor the passenger's ticket as space becomes available or refund the full fare, whichever the customer chooses. With the CAB's consumer ad- vocacy now on record and the few derelict airline employes presumably taking note, the next question is, why not similar avenues for customer redress throughout the passenger trans- portation business? Certain regional bus companies would not be so lethargic in scar- ing up supplementary vehicles for overflow passenger-loads if pa- trons could reclaim a portion of the ticket cost. Amlrak's scheduling and booking night- mares might vanish suddenly if that semi-public agency were compelled to go beyond saying. "Whoops, sorry." Manifestly, too, there is no reason why obligations to pas- sengers should stop at the guarantee of on-time boarding and safe passage. Travelers also should be able to recoup portions of their fares if destinations are reached hours late. It is too bad that wheeler-dealer Bill Veeck did not find his niche in the transportation industry in- stead of spectator sports. Veeck, as his many readers know, believes in making the customer pay for everything; he would never dole out thousands of freebies as some World Football League teams did recently to hypo attendance figures. But he insists that once the patron has paid, he is entitled to one hell of a fine time. To a harried traveling public merely hopeful of getting on board and arriving on time, Bill Veeck indeed would seem a champion knight. Isn't it the truth? By Carl Riblel, j In government there arc four classes of worker: congressmen, presidential ap- pointees, corporation appointees, which is to say, lobbyists, and the bureaucrats. Only the bureaucrats do not care who is President. He can't snub them, fire them, retire them or cut their take-home pay. He can only multiply them. "It is not the burden but the over- burden that kills the beast." Spanish proverb InrerOceon Press Syndicate People's forum Too early To the F.ditor: Angry! That is an understatement. When I read that our school begins on Aug. 21 I couldn't believe my eyes. It gets stretched out longer and longer every year. Soon they will be going all year long. This is being pushed on us a little at a time. .Maybe we will get to see our children on weekends if we promise to be good and mil try to infliiem e them in any way. it H great for mothers who work: they can cut down baby-sitting costs. But we didn't get our youngsters to have someone else raise them, and we like to have them home with us in the summer for a few weeks. I think this trend is for the birds. To make it worse, there is not one darned thing I can do about it. It is completely frustrating. I guess I could keep the children home a week in the fall and pull them out a couple weeks earlier in the spring Or 1 could keep them home and teach them myself. I already do a lot of it. Up until the last few years 1 have been completely for some form or another of higher education. However, my opinion is nearly reversed. There are already too many "educated nincompoops" in the country. You evidently don't learn logic and good common sense from books. And I don't think we can survive without them. I don't want anyone to think that 1 include everyone with an education in that category, because I don't. But there certainly are getting to be quite a few. or else I have just been exposed to more of them recently. It is logical thai summer is the time when parents have a chance to spend time with their children and teach them things they should know that don't come from books. That lime is getting cut shorter and shorter. School board elections are coming up again soon. These boards should be the controlling factor. I sincerely hope that people will carefully consider the character of the candidates they choose to for. That really isn't loo hard in a small election, not nearly as hard as in a general election. There are still some good, upstanding, basically honest people who could run for the office, if they would, instead of sitting back and saying, "Let George do it." I think wo all have had enough of dishonesty and immorality in public of- fice. We need a good stiff broom for a good clean sweep. draco Kubik Center Point By Alan Ehrenhalt WASHINGTON President Herald K. Ford's record ii> congress makes it unlikely he will strike out in major new directions from Nixon ad- ministration policies Ford favors a sirong defense es- t.itilishuicut ,uut limiting federal mvolvemenl to solve social is- sues. He was among the first to propose revenue sharing with the states, a key element of Nixon's "new federalism." Ford's voting record in congress was one of close agreement with las predecessor. In 1973, for Ford supported Nixon on 80 percent of the house Miles on which the former President had taken a position. That put Ford ahead of all bill one of his colleagues. lie voled to sustain every Nixon veto the house considered in About the only serious difference came on mass transit legislation. Ford, a native of au- to-dependent Michigan, opposed divert- ing highway trust money for mass transit use. a proposal supported by Ford's lies to Nixon do not simply reflect personal loyalty. They bespeak a conservative kinship that has existed for nearly ;iO years, from the one term they served together in the house in the 1940s, through Nixon's vice-presidency and Ford's elevation as house minority leader in llllifi, and on into Ford's last months as loyal vice-president under a Chief Executive discredited by scandal. Ford has sought to discourage any ef- forts to label him as a conservative ideologue. "I am a moderate on domestic issues." he told a congressional commit- tee looking into his vice-presidential confirmation, "a conservative in fiscal affairs, and a dyed-in-the-wool interna- tionalist." Many liberals, however, in- sisted lie was no moderate at all. "They'll rue the complained Rep. Don Edwards (D-Calif.) after the choice was made. "He's more conserva- tive than Nixon and his judgment's not as good." Ford's judgment is not a matter of public record. But his conservatism is. and it shows up in the thousands of votes he has taken since he arrived in the house in 1949. The new President shares his predecessor's skepticism about expand- ing the role of the federal government, his reluctance to make substantial reductions in the defense budget, and his hostility toward militant expressions of social protest. In 1967, Ford attacked the philosophy that "everything can be cured through federal dictation and federal funds, doled out through granls-in-aid which keep Washington as the manipulator of all the strings." During the 1950s and 1960s, Ford voled against most legislation expanding the federal role in solving modern social welfare problems. He opposed federal aid to education in the early 1960s, voted against creation of the Office of Economic Opportunity and Medicare, and opposed federal help for state water pollution programs in 1956 and 1960. By the last years of the Johnson ad- ministration. Ford was publicly ad- vocating revenue sharing as an alterna- tive to continued federal government ex- pansion. "Tax he said in 1967, "would restore the needed vitality and diversity to our federal system Republicans have faith in the constitu- tional concept of federalism, which requires strong and vigorous state as well as federal action on a variety of na- tional problems." Ford lias sought to limit the federal government role in the protection of civil rights. He has voted for some civil rights bills, such as the civil rights act of 1964 and the voting rights act of 196n. But he backed weaker substitutes for these bills 'I'm new at this What's the prior tu their passage, and endorsed the Nixon adnnni-.tr.-ihnn's t" vuuer down the voting rights act in 1969. He me riguis ail in UMIJI. lie opposed federal open housing legislation in 1966, but supported it in 196S. when i! passed congress and became law. Ford's suspicious attitude toward federal spending has not extended to spending for national defense. A member of the defense appropriations subcom- mittee for many years before his election as Republican leader. Ford consistently fought in favor of giving the defense department the resources it wanted. In 1902. Ford was one of only 11 Republicans to vote against an amend- ment limiting defense spending to 846- million; he was still voting against similar amendments during his last days in the house in 1973. Another point consistently at issue between Ford and liberals has been the Vietnam war. He was critical of President Lyndon B. Johnson for not pursuing the war more vigorously, and in 1967 gave a speech on the house floor en- titled, "Why Are We Pulling Our Best Punches in Vietnam1'" Ford supported President Nixon's policy of gradual Vietiuimixation, and endorsed the 1973 peace treaty. Through the end of his house career, he continued to oppose any legislation to end the Viet- nam war faster than Nixon wanted to move. This included Ford votes against amendments to end U.S. bombing of Cambodia in the summer of 1973. On matters of social protest. Ford has taken a consistently conservative posi- tion. Even while criticizing the Johnson Vietnam policy, he lashed out at those opposed to the war from the left. he said in 1965. "our so-called 'teach-ins' and 'peace' demonstrations call for 'peace-at-any-price' while the seeds of communist atrocity take root. And yet the appeasers speak of morality." He continues to take a hard line on the question of amnesty. "Unconditional blanket amnesty to anyone who illegally evaded or fled military service is Ford insisted Aug. 5. Ford supported a 1968 amendment that would have required colleges to cut off federal aid to students who participated in campus disruptions. He endorsed the Nixon administration's handling of the 1971 "May Day" war protest, in which police used mass arrests to sweep 12.001) persons off the streets of Washington on the day of demonstrations. Ford quickly gained a reputation among liberals as being soft on civil liberties for his 1970 attack on supreme court Justice William 0. Douglas. Clean candidates To the Editor: In the wake of the Watergate revela- tions, many have, in some twisted way. attempted to associate the scandals ol this administration with the actions of the Republican party. This is unfor- tunate, because such an association is misleading and unfair. In the first place, it was the Committee for the Re-election of the President, not the Republican party, which accepted the massive corporate donations In the second place, the congress [or 20 solid years has been controlled by the Democratic party, in both houses In this time we went through the Korean war. the McCarthy period, the Bay of Pigs. Vietnam, Watergate, and rampant infla- tion. If congress is indeed concerned about these problems, why has it failed to act on these problems'.' If the congress is to accept credit for the success of the country's policies, it must also be willing In accept blame for (he [allures. Finally, Iowa has been blessed in these last years with the excellent leadership of Hob Hay and Art Neu. These two men, presiding over Iowa's executive and legislative branches of government, have been responsible for the passage of much progressive legislation that was badly needed. Consider, too. Tom Riley. candidate for congressman, one of the most respected and influential men in the Iowa legisla- ture, and also Dave Stanley, candidate for r.. S. senator, who has done much to open up Iowa's government and make i! more responsive to the needs of the people. These men never participated in any sort of rovorup whatsoever. Instead, they have provided the state of Iowa with excellent leadership. It is time that the American public realize that there will always be Water- gates and Vietnams as long as the public itself is not concerned enough to involve itself in the affairs which govern it. A well educated public could not be bought by 60-second advertising spots or posters anil there would be no need for the ex- penditure by all candidates of millions of dollars for the selling of a candidate More thiin anything else these days we need a public which is concerned about the political future of the country, and is willing to do a little homework before making decisions on what or whom to support or Be careful when you do vote: you might be surprised by what you're voting for. Scull (Iran FJkador Shortly after Douglas authored a nf uhi.-h defended civil disobedience, Ford called the book "a harangue evidently in- leuded to give historic legitimacy to the militant-hippie-yippio movement." Combining his complaints against the book with charges that Douglas main- lamed improper financial connections with a private foundation, Ford urged thai Douglas be impeached. Ford denied that a crime was required for impeach- meul. "An impeachable Ford said, "is whatever the house of representatives considers it ID be at a given moment in history." During the hearings that preceded Ills confirmation. Ford did indicate his differences with President Nixon in the style of administration lie would conduct. He promised open government, respon- sive to the requests of congress for con- tact and information. Ford said he would never deny courts iliiriimi'iits bearing '.in crimes anyone in the White House. He conceded thai, "1 don'l think a President has unlimited authority in the area of execu- tive privilege." He came out against the dismissal of Special Prosecutor Archibald Cox, and said that if he were President, his door would be open to Democrats as well as Republicans. Many who differed with Ford on ideological grounds expressed faith in his promises of an open administration. They noted that he had been open and accessible during nearly nine years as Republican leader, and felt that his policy in the White House would be the same. Congressional Quarterly Don't holler 'foul! By William Safire N Not so long ago. about four out of 10 adults in this country referred til themselves poli- tically as "Nixon people." How should they react to the forced resignation of the man who for so long embodied their beliefs and their prejudices'" As a card-carrying member of that group, let me suggest a few reactions both to those who made it to the lifeboats and those who went down with the ship: First, toward Richard Nixon. Despite the frequent hypocrisy of some of his pursuers, he was not unfairly ejected. lie is now America's only living former President, for good reasons. When he first learned that some men acting in his name committed a crime, he put the bonds of friendship ahead of his oath of Richard Nixon office. When he had the chance to destroy all the tapes just after their existence had become known, he made the wrong tac- tical decision, and nobody is patting him on the back now for his rectitude in not destroying the evidence that proved him guilty. In retrospect, all the maneuvers his supporters considered so ill-advised in establishing his innocence gain an in- telligent pattern when viewed as a means toward preventing revelation of his guilt. He ne knew that there was proof thai he and all his actions for the last year, from the firing of Archibald Cox to the rejection of sub- poenas to the falsely based appeal to the supreme court, were absolutely consis- tent. Knew the score No wonder, then, he would allow no buyer In listen to the tapes. He was stalling lor time and playing for breaks, and on such a course there was nobody lie could trust without making him a co- conspirator. Nixon was never indecisive, never floundering, as so many of us had anguished: His plan was to pruiect the tapes at all costs, and their cost was all. Therefore, no torment of unfairness is due him from the "Nixon people." When "Black Sox" outfielder Shoeless .loo .lackson was approached by a fan crying. "Say ain't so." Hie corrupted ballplayer said nothing. Nixon said it wasn't so. As we spare him our tears, we can af- ford him more than a liltle respect. He was never the would-be dictator his severest critics have claimed, anil his motives were either noble (to make a peace that would last) or at least not ig- noble (to gain the adulation that would flow from being the man who made the The people who supported him, and most of those who worked for him, can look around now that the shelling has ceased and point out much of substance that was done in reflecting the will of the people which, lest we forget, earned such a ringing affirmation of support just a year and a half ago. Toward President Ford, the reaction of the "Nixon people" should be far different from the reaction, say, of the Kennedy people to the ascension of President Johnson. Here is no cultural or stylistic usurper; Ford was not Nixon's necessary compromise, but his chosen heir, deserving of a transfer of old loyal- ties. As vice-president. Ford made only one misstep in the loyal support of the man who nominated him, when he discussed months ago the potential makeup of his administration with a reporter on background. When 1 called him about that. Ford freely acknowledged having been the source and said he had made a mistake. That was refreshing. After- ward, he comported himself in a difficult situation with correctness and dignity. Good signs As President, Ford has chosen two of the best of the early Nixon supporters to be (in his transition committee: Interior Secretary Rogers Morton and NATO Ambassador Donald Rumsfeld, both of whom bear the scars of battle with the Nixon palace guard. Rumsfeld, a former congressman in his early 40s, is especially valuable. Finally, how should the former "Nixon people" view the ecstatic political op- position, led by that agglomeration of academics, old liberals, advocacy jour- nalists and establishment power centers so wrong about the country in 1972 and so right about Nixon in 1973? (As usual in these oversimplifications, we leave out all the uncalogorizablcs who decide elections.) Fur the country's sake and our own. let us let them have their time of vindication without resentment. The triumph of jus- tice is nobody's political defeat. Churchill's "in defeat, defiance" does no! apply, because Nixon's defeat is not thi1 defeat of the "Nixon people" nor of the causes the former President es- poused, only the defeat of that misguided toughness which is a form of weakness. Of course, "in victory, magnanimity" does apply; if in months to come, those who justly brought Nixon down want to make a martyr out of him, dragging him down Pennsylvania Avenue behind a chariot, here we go again on another round of vindictiveness. For N'ixon, who might not have shown enough contrition to satisfy everyone, in nearly his last words as President showed that the underlying lesson of Watergate had finally sunk in: Those who hale you don'l win unless yon hale them and then you destroy your- self." Hew Yink limps   

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