Cedar Rapids Gazette, May 30, 1974, Page 8

Publication: Cedar Rapids Gazette May 30, 1974

Cedar Rapids Gazette (Newspaper) - May 30, 1974, Cedar Rapids, Iowa MMU m (thy Ct feint ‘l\tt pieta QhtjtHcWhere it all began: purloined ‘Papers’ Editorial Page TSuodav, May 30, 1974 Duncelike and deftly done FOH A CLASSIC lesson in how not to wangle a pay raise one need look no farther than Waterloo, where teachers staged a one-day “sic k in’* last week. Not only did the stratagem fray tilt' patience of sympathetic observers, it gave students an indelible lesson in negate e-style civies. On one day in May, at least, teachers rated the dunce caps. While W aterloo instructors were off playing hooky, teachers in the' Fort Dodge school system took a forceful bargaining stance without demeaning their profession. The means of protest was “working to the rule; that is. performing no tasks that are not required in the school board-facultv contract. Teachers adroitly dramatized their salary plight and reminded the public that they routinely eschew the dock-punching habits of many American workers. Significantly, too, the 208 teachers People s forum Primary challenge To tin* Editor Next Tuesday is election day — tho party primaries. That s hardly news, for the media is alive with reminders paul My hackers of the many candidates. Hut if recent Iowa history is any indication, voter turnout will lie appallingly low Tills is had for self-government Low turnouts simply indicate1 to candidates that people really don’t care who is chosen. This in turn cuts hack on the essential feeling of public responsibility that elected officials must have as motivation it they are properly to serve the public interest. To Republicans, your party fortunes are temporarily low Don’t let them get any lower by staying ut home on election day A shrunken Republican balance in who protested exerted no pressure upon the 85 abstainers Despite the dissimilar means of protest, the school board-faculty disagreements in Waterloo and Fort Dodge both underscore the dilemma lacing educators and policymakers. A teacher should not strike; yet negotiating leverage must be allowed \ teacher deserves cost-of-liv ing increases in addition to tenure-based raises; yet if such decisions were left to tax-paying patrons and the inequity of ancient law. those highly-educated public servants might end up in the bread line. The fate of many a recent school bond election invites that cynical conclusion. ll there is a solution to the teachers’ pay predicament, it has eluded the country's best thinkers. About all we can hope in the meantime is that educators not retard education (luring tin1 search. pol it to moans lopsided competition, permitting overboard actions by Democrats It’s happened before. To Democrats (my party I, the largest, ni'ist talented group of candidates iii the 4o years of my political memory are on tile ballot They’ve worked with extraordinary diligence to appeal for your votes Don't let them down. To independents, you disenfranchise yourselves .lune 4 when you opt lor.no party preference. You sucker yourselves when you pass up the opportunity to participate in selecting the candidates for one of the political parties iii the November election. Many are the political writers who have observed that offices are won and lost in primaries — that iii many instances primaries are far more significant than general elections Fortunately under Iowa law. any independent (who is a registered voter) can show up at his polling place next Tuesday. declare to the election judge his party preference*, ami then cast his primary vote Iii the later general election he can split Ins ticket any way lie eIMH eses Voting is free til charge, a precious right, un important voice iii government By Don Oakley A til NKR ATU >.\ of Vmertcans further removed from the Yid nam tragedy than we. will render the ultimate verdict in the ease of Daniel Ellsberg and the ‘’Pentagon Papers" — whether he was a hero for revealing the story of how tile country got into that war. or whether he Hilted with treason; whether the end justified the means lit1 used. or whether his disclosing of classified documents was a betrayal of his trust as a government employe One thing we can say is that this is where it ail begall the White House plumbers." the breakin at Pie office of Fllsberg s psychiatrist and of Democratic party headquarters, the bugging and surveillance of reporters and administration underlings, tin* Emit committee, .lohn Dean. X it ti I ba Id Cox. tin* "Saturday night massacre." the White House tapes, the subpoenas, the transcripts — iii short, the whole Watergate" drama It all began with the outrage ol a President over the Pentagon Papers, and it may end vv itll the dew nfall of a President I considered the problem of such disclosures as critical to the national sci linty of the Lulled States,” wrote* President Nixon tin* other day in a letter lo I s District Judge (ierhard (iesell. and it was my intent, which I believe I conveyed, that the fullest authority of tin* President under the Constitution and the Political systems have taken a great battering lately — and rightly se Hut systems there must be it we are to have government of any sort < onie on. voters let's rally to the polls next Tuesday John NI Ely . lr ■JIH Twentv-third street NE Misery proliferates To the Editor I lie alternatives reviewed by William Satire — Pp Prometheus down Vilas" (May 2H. editorial page) — are false. To propose that only a resigned sufferer (Atlas by Heilbroner) or a dissatisfied achiever (Prometheus, by Hoorstm) is the only stature man can hope for is to negate any possibly of a happy man To project misery iii alb motive forms only identifies the expected states et the authors and to view these alternatives as basic reveals acceptance by the reviewer Whoever said misery is net self-imp* >sed? Dale I. Net belion Fairfax Daniel Ellsberg law. should be used if necessary to bring a halt to these disclosures Judge (iesell was conducting hearings on pretrial motions bv lawyers for the defendants m the Ellsberg breakin This blunket presidential authorization is their main defense against charges of burglary and violation of civil rights. Two perplexing questions remain (I) Did the President knowingly or unknowingly. before or after the act, encourage or countenance his aides to operate outside the Constitution and the law. not only in tracing and plugging national security leaks but engaging iii political espionageAnd (2). why was there such presidential concern over the Pentagon Papers iii the firsi place'.’ I lie Hist question is one of the matters now before the bouse judiciary committee considering the President ’s impeachment The second we can only continue to wonder about The Nixon administration played no part in tin* high-level thinking and decision-making which initially involved the Tinted States in Vietnam If the Pentagon Papers embarrassed or discredited anyone, it was the previous two administrations Vs for tho baneful effects of tho papers on the security of the Tinted States, it has been three years since their publication. It was not evident then, nor is it evident now, just how their disclosure harmed this country This in wholly apart from the question of to what extent the government must In* able to operate in secrecy or confidentiality, and at what point the right ol the people to be informed about grave decisions tieing made in their name. becomes overriding An it turned out. tile President's ob-session with plugging leaks, real or tanned. and the use of illegal means under the cloak ol "national set linty resulted in the dismissal of the ( barges against Ellsberg Had his trial proceeded, the nation might possibly have learned some useful answers to the questions immediately above It may also have cost Richard Nixon Ins office and the outstanding place he was on the way to attaining iii the Pantheon of American Presidents It seems a foolish gamble that he took a tremendous sacrifice for something ol such questionable aud transitory impoit in the long pull of history New .mux ’ L nlfr pn ,»• Av.<h lotion Isn't it the truth? By Carl Riblet, |r There is a similarity between the wheel and the voter and they were among the earliest inventions of man. They both get well-greased when they squeak and somebody is always taking them for a ride As long as I count the votes what are you going to do about it* — William (Boss) Tweed, 1872 Intl i Oi mm Press Syndicate He could backstop Ford, too Henry s clout may backfire By Louis Harris The Horns Survey XX <)\ FRUH FEMINO 85 percent of the American people rate Secretary ol State* Henry Kissinger a> doing a good-to-exc c lient lob in office. Only lh percent give* him negative marks on his performance This in the highest positive* rating ever recorded in the Harris Survey for a member of the* executive branch of the federal government Furthermore, it comes at a time when President Nixon's standing with the public in VI percent positive un against HH percent negative on his over-all handling ot Iiin responsibilities. There in no doubt that the continuing high murks accorded President Nixon iii loreign polic y matters are the* eon* of lits support. which has withstood the* erosion of Watergate, and at least some of this is attributable directly to the* deep reservoir ol public* confidence in his Nocrctary of state Hire are Nome ot the Kc.vn to Dr Kissinger’s high standing iii public opinion; • IT. ns J j - re cut. Amel leans c redit him wuh being a "highly skilled negotiator. especially ill dealing with the < ommunists matter who is President. In* should stay on as secretary of state." • By (>7-7 percent, they agree with the statement that "In* has done a remarkable job in bringing President Sadat of Egypt over to tin* American and away from the Russian side ” Criticisms of the secretary fall by and large on unsympathetic ears • By 44-28 percent, a plurality reject tin* charge that Dr Kissinger "is taking a lot of gambles and risks with world agreements, without checking with congress, the President, or even the state department." Potentially, this criticism could In* the most serious for tin* socre-t try. particularly if he fails to bring about some negotiated agreement on which high hopes have been aroused By HH-Iii percent. Americans refuse to • By 75-11 percent tie v fee l that 'no Secretary Kissinger go along with the claim that Kissinger is “too cold and unappealing as a personality • By 78-9 percent, they reject the suggestion that “if President Nixon in removed from office. Kissinger should leave* w Uh him." Certainly the thrust of these results points not only to a high degree of public confidence in tile secretary of state, but also to almost as deep a feeling that, ii President Nixon should leave office. Kissinger should remain in his post This puts the Nixon-Kissinger relationship on a double-edged sword. On the one hand, there is no doubt that one reason HH percent of tile public give Mr Nixon high marks on "working for peac e iii the world’’ is confidence iii Dr. Kissinger’s efforts By the* same token. because* most people would not only want but expect him to remain as secretary of state it the President were impeached Dr Kissinger makes it easier for people to accept Vice-president Ford as Mr Nixon n successor \ny deficit tides iii Mr Ford ‘s experience iii international affairs, most feel, would mort* than be made up by retention ut Dr. Kissinger aN secretary of stale iii a Ford administration C'»:. iiyo Tribune Ne A Y< - > N> a S f i i o’e Should congress preserve the anti-poverty agency? By Congressional Quarterly ITI7 ASHING FON — In a last-ditch effort VV to save parts of the* poverty program, some house Democrats find themselves writing an obituary for the Office of Economic Opportunity (DEO), the 10-year-old symbol of the late President Johnson’s "war on poverty These Democrats hope a compromise plan will win enough Republican vote s to override an expected presidential veto The compromise, approved by the house education and labor committee in mid-May. would abolish the poverty agency un such The few remaining DEO programs would be parceled out to cabinet-levcl departments I he strategy evolved because of President Nixon 'n Ntrong opposition to continuing DEO 'n local community action programs for the poor beyond their June .Mi expiration date Nixon tried to kill the antipoverty agency by administrative action in 197:5. but was blocked by a federal court order. Wink* acknowledging the threat posed by a presidential veto, some DEO support! i n feel the committee compromise condemns the poverty program to bureaucratic limbo They particularly object to the committee's decision to house (he community ac tion programs in a new agency within the massive department ol health, education and welfare (HEWJ Should congress preserve the poverty program s independent nIuIun.’ Following are some arguments on both sides of the question Would you believe ii? They re identical twins yji1 The Arguments YES I lie Gazette's opinion OKO IS NOT just a collection of programs which can be moved around the federal bureaucracy at will. its supporters argue It is the only remaining symbol of the federal government's commitment, however small, ti the nation A poor. Scattering OEO’s program throughout the government will destroy the symbol and perhaps the commitment as well. liberals insist. Ffforts to deal with poverty problems could become un haphazard us they were before OKO was created, one house member predicted It in especially unrealistic to expect community ac Hon programs to shi v ive in UKW poverty lobbyists point out because* top HEW officials led efforts to kill them in 197J. II the officials couldn’t strangle the new community action agency with budget freezes and cutbacks. they could smother it with bureaucratic layers and oppressive* regulations inroad A lourth-rate HEW agency is a terrible way to say we’re* lighting povertv. said Lawrence I I'arachini. lr . head of a grassroots group lobbying for OU) The compromise giving up OKO’s independence, he added, wasn't really necessary or even useful Albert Ii Dine ( R- Mi tm i I he most int Incut i.i I Bi publican on the committee, whose support was considered essential to guarantee* enough house voles to override President Nixon's expected veto still opposes Hie compromise We vc given away everything — all our bargaining powe r — at the be ginning." complained committee member Lloyd Meeds ( D W ash ) And we haven t gotten much of anything iii return.*’ (ii assroots support for an independent. wcll-lunded OKO remains impressive A New Orleans Mayor Moon Landrn u has noted cities do riot have tin* resources to run health, education and other programs “except through milking money out of other municipal services”’ ( 0ftqr %DOfiqf Qui if ti r fy Fine idea but puny funding S ^I\( F OVERSEEING people-programs is the health, education and welfare department s prime responsibility, the placing of Office of Economic Opportunity programs under UKW command seems a logical proposal. But when the budget for a rescued and relocated OKO is compared against funds alloted in the war on poverty’s halcyon years, the house education and labor committee’s life raft begins to founder. As christened by the Johnson administration and headed by the community action flagship, OKO received nearly 84 billion yearly. The house bill would provide only $3.8 billion (including $1.58 billion for Head Start) as the total for three fiscal years, 1975 through 77. W hat’s more, the maximum federal share of community action program costs would decrease from SU percent to fib percent. Even if OKO were awash with all tin* administrative waste, criminal misuse of funds and political agitation alleged in the Nixon administration’s 1973 broadside. misspent millions would not have matched the total reduction proposed now for poverty programs. As observed here May 14. the Iowa experience with OEO and community action has run opposite the administration's stereotv pc. Obviously, then, federal aid lor clients in health, employment and other anti-poverty efforts would decrease to a threadbare minimum if the congress accepts the supposedly veto-proof paekgage emerging from house committee The job of fleshing out surviving programs thus would fall to states and communities, winch assignment was proposed in the administration's k 111 - k 11: “Agencies which have impressed their neighbors will likely survive, but at local option on locally controlled revenue ” Tin house hill does provide a local-mateh formula, winch is decidedly superior to the administration’s fanciful notion that revenue sharing funds could be diverted from public works to the war on poverty. Easily the most depressing aspect of the debate over OEO survival is the infrequency of dialog concerning needs of tilt' poor. How many OKO employes will Im* retained? Who will lie iii charge? Who will be answerable to whom? Will transfer to HEW prevent establishment of bureaucratic kingdoms? Pertinent questions all, but not more important than the interests of the disadvantaged, unemployed aud underemployed   ......' * i amil    •    • , v The Arguments NO IV TOW Is the turn* to mow tho hotter 1\ programs OEO Ii.in developed into the regular structure* of tho federal government whore they can he* run l»y professionals, not ideological activists, argue Republicans opposed lo an independent poverty agency. OEO itself "has not done a good job” ol running the* programs. Quo* insists Du ie and other Republicans concede that every special group wants its program considered the most important ol all But the si/e of OKO as it exists now, they contend, inst docs not warrant any special organizational setup They point out th.it HEW has many programs larger than community action winch operate well within Hic* departmental system. I hose hacking the compromise also point out that the committee hill includes special provisions safeguarding the* independence ol community action programs in HEW All OEO employ on would he transferred to the new agency aud the agency s head would report oiilv to the HEW secretary. not a long cham of officials Even liberals displeased with the compromise note that it would at least keep all community action activities w it hill a single agency Other Democ rats urge* OI.O s supporters to face political reality U itll Dine flatly opposed to continuation of an independent poverty agency, efforts to override a presidential veto would lie doomed In the Dual analysis, that (the* compromise) is what s going lo happen whether we want ll lo or not." added a source working on the senate version o| the legislation C UUU! CttlOtUll Quat lei ty 8 op. Qui!.* ;

  • Carl Riblet
  • Daniel Ellsberg
  • Don Oakley
  • Henry Kissinger
  • Lloyd Meeds
  • Louis Harris
  • Richard Nixon
  • William Satire

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Publication: Cedar Rapids Gazette

Location: Cedar Rapids, Iowa

Issue Date: May 30, 1974

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