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Cedar Rapids Gazette (Newspaper) - May 30, 1974, Cedar Rapids, Iowa Where it all began: purloined 'Papers' Editorial Page x-Wa> 30, 1974 Duncelike and deftly done FOR A CLASSIC lesson in how not to wangle a pay raise one need look no farther'lhan Wa- terloo, where teachers staged a one-day "sick-in" last week. Not only did the stratagem fray the patience of sympathetic lib- servers, it gave students an in- delible lesson in negative-style civics. On one day in May, at least, teachers rated the dunce caps. While Waterloo instructors were off playing hooky, teachers in the Fort Dodge school system took a forceful bargaining stance without demeaning their profession. The means of protest was "working to the rule; that is, performing no tasks that are not required in the school board-faculty contract. Teachers adroitly dramatized their salary plight and reminded the public that they routinely eschew the clock-punching habits of many American workers. Sig- nificantly, too, the 20S teachers People's forum Primary challenge To the Editor: Next Tuesday is election day the party primaries. That's hardly news, for the media is alive with reminders paid by backers of the many candidates. But if recent Iowa history is any indication, voter turnout will be appallingly low. This is bad 1'or self-government. Low turnouts simply indicate to candidates that people really don't care who is chosen. This in turn cuts back on the es- sential feeling of public responsibility that elected officials must have as mo- tivation if they are properly to serve the public interest To Republicans, your party fortunes are temporarily low. Don't let them gel any lower by staying at home on election day. A shrunken Republican balance in who protested exerted no pressure upon the S5 abstainers. Despite the dissimilar means of protest, the school board-faculty disagreements in Waterloo and Fort Dodge both underscore the dilemma facing educators and policymakers. A leacheY should not strike: yet negotiating leverage must be allowed. A teacher deserves cost-of-living increases ii; addition to tenure- based raises; yet if such decisions were left to tax-paying patrons and the inequity of ancient law. those highly-educated public ser- vants might end tip in the bread line. The fate of many a recent school bond election invites that cynical conclusion. If there is a solution to the teachers' pay predicament, it lias eluded the country's best thinkers. About alt we can hope in the meantime is that educators not retard education during the search. politics means lopsided competition, permitting overboard actions by Democrats. It's happened before. To Democrats (.my the largest, most talented group of candidates in the years of my political memory are on the ballot. They've worked with extraor- dinary diligence to appeal for your votes. Don't lei them down. To independents, you disenfranchise yourselves June 4 when you opt for.no parly preference. You sucker yourselves when yon pass up the opportunity to participate in selecting the candidates for one of the political parties in the November election. Many are. the poli- tical writers who have observed that of- fices are won and lost in primaries that in many instances primaries are far more significant than general elections. Fortunately tinder Iowa law. any independent (who is a registered voter) can show up at his polling place next Tuesday, declare to the election judge his party preference, and then cast his primary vole. In the later general elec- tion he can split his ticket any way lie chooses. Voting is free of charge, a precious right, an important voice in government. By Don Oakley AGKNKKAT10N of Americans further rcmou'd from the Vietnam tragedy than wo. will render UK- ultimate verdict in the case of Daniel l-'llshcrg and the "Pentagon Papers" whether he was a In-ill fur revealing the story of how the country gut into thai war. or whether lie flirted with treason: whether the t-m! Justified, ihc moans In- liM-d. or whether his disclosure of classified documents a betrayal of his irusi as a govern- ment employe. One thing ue can is ilia! this is where il all began: the White House "plumbers." the breakiu a: office of Ellsborg's psychiatrist and of Democrat- ic party hcadciuarlers. the bugging and snru-illancc of reporters and adminis- tration underlings, the Krvin committee. .Inlin Dean. Archibald Cox. the "Satur- day night massacre." the White House lapes. the subpoenas, the transcripts in short, the whole "Watergate" drama. ll all began with (he outrage of a President over the Pentagon Papers, and it may end with the downfall of a President. "1 considered the problem of such dihchiMires as critical In the national security of the L'niled wrote President Nixon the oilier day in a letter In I'. S. District Judge Gerhard Gcscll. "and il was my intent, which 1 believe 1 cum eyed, that the fullest authority of the President under the Constitution and the Political systems have taken a great battering lately and rightly so. But systems there must be if we are tu have government of any sort. Come on. voters, let's rally to the polls next Tuesday. John M. Ely. jr. Twenty-third street NE Misery proliferates To the Editor: The alternatives reviewed by U'illiam Satire "t'p Prometheus, down Atlas" (May 2li. editorial page) are false. To propose that only a resigned sufferer (Atlas, by lleilbroner) or a dissatisfied achiever (Prometheus, by Boorstin) is the only stature man can hope for is to negate any possiblity of a happy man. To project misery in alternative forms only identifies the expected states of the authors and to view these alternatives as basic reveals acceptance by the reviewer. Whoever said misery is not self-imposed? Dale L. Netlierlon Fairfax Daniel Ellsberg law. should he used if necessary tu bring a halt tu ihese disclosures." Jndiu1 (iest'll was conducling hearings on preirial motions by lawyers for the defendants in Ihe Kllsberg hreakhl. This blanket presidential authorisation is their main defense against charges of and violation of civil rights. Two perplexing remain: (1) Did Ihe President knowingly tir un- knowingly, before or after the act, en- courage or countenance his aides to operate outside Ihe Constitution and Ihe law, not only in tracing and plugging national security leaks but engaging in political espionage'.' And why was there such presidential concern over Ihe Pentagon Papers in Ihe first place'.1 The first is "lie llM' mailers now before the house judiciary commit- Ice considering Ihe President's im- peachment. Tlte second ue wily '-mi- mine to wonder about. The Nixon administration played no pan in Ihe high-level thinking and decision-making which initially involved the I'nited Slates in Vietnam. If Ihe IVnlagon Papers embarrassed or discredited anyone, il was the previous two administrations. As for the baneful effects of Ihe papers "il the security of the I'nited States, it has been three years since their publication. Ii was not evident then, nor is it evident now. just how their disclosure harmed this country. This is wholly apart from the question of to what extent the government must foe able to operate in secrecy or confiden- tiality, and at what point the right of the people to be informed about grave decisions being made in their name, becomes overriding. As il turned out, the President's ob- session with plugging leaks, real or fan- cied, and the use of illegal means under the cloak of securily" icsuUcd in Hie dismissal ot Ihe charges ag.unsl Kllsberg. Had his (rial proceeded, the nation might possibly have learned some useful answers In Ihe ojicslions immediately above. II may also have cost Kit-hard Nixon his office and Ihe outstanding place he was on the way lo attaining in the Pantheon of American Presidents. II seems a foolish gamble that lie took a tremendous sacrifice for something of such (iiiestionable and transitory import in the long pull of history. Isn't it the truth? By Cml Riblol, I'. There is a similarity between the wheel and Ihe voter and Ihey were among Ihe earliest inventions of man. They both get well-greased when they squeak and somebody is always taking them for a ride. 'As long as count the votes what are you going to do about (Boss) Tweed, 1 872 Ink'iOceuM Piois SVDUicule He could backstop Ford, too Henry's clout may backfire By Louis Harris The Hoi ris, Survcv AX OVERWHELMING So percent nf I hi1 American people rate Secre- tary of Siiile Henry Kissinger us a good-to-exccllcnl job in office. Only 10 percent give him negative marks on his performance. This is the highest positive rating ever recorded in the Harris Survey for a member of the executive branch of I he federal government. Furthermore, it comes at a lime when President Nixon's standing with the public K percent positive as against lili percent negative tin his over-all handling of his responsibilities. There is no doubt that the continuing high marks accorded President Nixon in foreign policy matters are the core of his support, which has withstood the erosion of Watergate, and at least .some of this is attributable directly to I he deep reser- voir of public confidence in his secretary of sliite. Here.are .some of the keys to Dr. Kis- singer's high standing in public opinion: By SS-4 percent. Americans credit him with being a "highly skilled nego- tiator, especially in dealing with the enmimmists." By 75-11 percent, they feel that "no matter who is President, lie .should stay un as secretary of stale." By percent, they agree with the statement that "he has done a remarka- ble job in bringing President Sadat of Egypt over to the American and away from the Russian side." Criticisms of the secretary fall by and large on unsympathetic ears: By percent, a plurality reject the charge that Dr. Kissinger "is taking a lot of gambles and risks with world agreements, without checking with congress, the President, or even the state department." Potentially, this criticism could be the most serious for the secre- tary, particularly if lie fails to bring about some negotiated agreement on which high hopes have been aroused. By (i9-16 percent. Americans refuse to Secretary Kissinger go along with the claim that Kissinger is "too cold and unappealing as a per- sonality." By percent, they reject Ihc suggestion that "if President Nixon is removed from office, Kissinger should leave with him." Certainly the thrust of these results points not only to a high degree of public confidence in the secretary of state, but also to almost as deep a feeling that, if President Nixon should leave office. Kissinger should remain in his post. This puts the Nixon-Kissinger rela- tionship on a double-edged sword. On the one hand, there is no doubt that one reason 66 percent of the public give Mr. Nixon high marks on "working for peace in the world" is confidence in Dr. Kis- singer's efforts. By the same token, because most people would not only want but expect him to remain as secretary of state if the President were impeached. Dr. Kissinger makes it easier for people to accept Vice-president Ford as Mr. Nixon's successor. Any deficiencies in Mr. Ford's experience in international affairs, most feel, would more than be made up by re- tention of Dr. Kissinger as secretary of state in a Ford administration. Chicago Tiribui'D-Ne'.v York Syndicate Should congress preserve the anti-poverty agency? By Congressional Qoarterly WASHINGTON In a last-ditch effort to save parts of Ihe poverty program, some house Democrats find themselves writing an obituary for the Office of Economic Opportunity Ihe 10-year-old symbol of the lale President Johnson's "war on poverty." These Democrats hope a compromise plan will win enough Republican votes to override an expected presidential veto. The compromise, approved by the house.education and labor committee in mid-May, would abolish the poverty agency as such. The few remaining OEO programs would be parceled out tu cabinet-level departments. The strategy evolved because of President Nixon's strong opposition to continuing OEO's local community ac- tion programs for the poor beyond their June :ill expiration dale. Nixon tried to kill the anlipoverty agency by adminis- trative action in 1973. but was blocked by a federal court order. While acknowledging the threat posed by a presidential veto, some OEO sup- porters feel the committee compromise condemns Ihe poverty program to bureaucratic limbo. They particularly object to the committee's decision to house the community action programs in a new agency within the massive department of heallh. education and welfare Should congress preserve Ihe poverty program's independent status? l-'ullow- ing are some arguments on both sides of the 'Would you believe it? They're identical twins' The Arguments YES The Gazette's opinion OEO IS NOT just a collection of programs which can be moved around the federal bureaucracy at will, ils supporters argue. It is the only remaining symbol of the federal govern- ment's commitment, however small, to the nation's poor. Scattering OEO's program throughout the government will destroy the symbol and perhaps the commitment as well, liberals insist. Efforts to deal with poverty problems could become as haphazard as they were before OEO was created, one house member predicted. II is especially unrealistic lo expect community action programs to survive in HEW. poverty lobbyists point out. because lop HEW officials led efforts lo kill them in If the officials couldn't strangle the new community action agency with budget and cut- backs, they could smother it witli bureaucratic layers and oppressive regulations instead. 'A "lourlh-rate" HEW agency "is a lerrible way to say we're lighting poverty." said Lawrence I-'. Parachini. jr.. head of a grassroots group lobbying for OEO. The compromise giving up OEM's independence, he added, vvasn'l really necessary or even useful. Albert II. Quie Ihe most inflnenlial Itcpiiblican on Ihe coiiimiltce. whose support was considered essential lo guarantee enough house votes to override President Nixon's expeclcd vein, slill opposes Ihe compromise. "We've given away everything all our bargaining power at Hie begin- ning." complained conimitlco member I.loyd Meeds "And we haven't gollen much of anything in re- turn." (irassrools support for an indcpendenl, well-funded OEO remains impressive. As N'ew Orleans Mayor Moon l.andrien has noted, cities do not have Ihe resources lo run heallh, education and oilier programs "cxcepl Ihroiigli milking money mil of oilier miiiik'ipiil services'" Fine idea but puny funding SINCE OVERSEEING people-programs is the health, education and welfare department's prime' responsibility, the placing of Office of Economic Opportunity programs under HEW com- mand seems a logical proposal. But when the budget for a rescued and relocated OEO is compared against funds alloted in the war on poverty's halcyon years, the house education and labor committee's life raft begins to founder. As christened by the Johnson administration and headed by the community action flagship, OEO received nearly billion yearly. The house bill would provide only S3.8 billion (including billion for Head Start) as the total for three fiscal years, 1975 through 77. What's more, the maximum federal share of community action program costs would decrease from 80 percent to b'O percent. Even if OEO were awash with all the administrative waste, criminal misuse of funds and political agitation alleged in the Xixon administration's 1973 broadside, misspent millions would not have matched the total reduction proposed now for poverty programs. As ob- served here May 14, the Iowa experience with OEO and community action has run opposite the administra- tion's stereotype. Obviously, then, federal aid for clients in heallh, employment and other anli-poverty efforts would decrease lo a threadbare minimum if the congress accepts the supposedly veto-proof packgage emerging from house committee. The job of fleshing out sur- viving programs thus would fall to stales and com- munities, which assignment was proposed in Ihe ad- ministration's kill-kit: "Agencies which have impressed their neighbors will likely survive, bill al local option on locally controlled revenue." The house bill does provide a local-match formula, which is decidedly superior lo Ihe administration's fanciful notion thai revenue sharing funds could be (liveried from public works to (he war on poverty. Easily the mosl depressing aspecl of Ihe debate over OKO survival is the infrequency of dialog concerning needs of the poor. How many OEO employes will be retained? Who will bo in charge? Who will be answerable lo whom? Will transfer to HEW prevent establishment of bureaucratic kingdoms? I'erlinent all, bi.il mil moro important lhan Ihe inleresls nf Ihe disiidviinlagcd, unemployed and niidiTemplovcd, The Arguments NO IS Ihe lime to move the heller 1 programs OEO has developed into the regular structure of the federal government where they can be run by professionals, not ideological activists, argue Republicans opposed lo an independent poverty agency. OEO itself "has not done a good job" of running the programs, Quie insists. Quie and other Republicans concede that every special group wants its program considered the. most important of all. But the size of OEO as it exists now, they contend, just does not warrant any special organizational setup. They point out thai HEW has many programs larger lhan community action which operate well wilhin the departmental system. Those, hacking the compromise also point out that Ihe committee bill includes special provisions .safeguarding Ihe independence of community action programs in HEW. All OEO employes would be transferred lo the new agency and Ihe agency's head would reporl only lo HID HEW secretary, not a long chain of officials. Even liberals displeased wilh Ihe compromise note thai it would at least keep all commnnily action activities within a single agency. Other Democrats urge OEO's sup- porters to face political reality. Wilh Quie flatly opposed lo continuation of an independent poverty agency, efforts lo override a presidential vein would he doomed. "In the final analysis, thai (Ihe compromise) is wind's going in happen whether we wanl il In or added a source working on Ihe senale version of the legislation. Coiujrrv.ioilul Rop. Quio
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