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Cedar Rapids Gazette (Newspaper) - March 10, 1974, Cedar Rapids, Iowa Writer's tell-off to Kremlin: a classic Editorial Page Sunday, March 10, 1974 Twelve billion or bust? MORE people there are in JL any given mass, the harder it to keep them out of one hair, the easier it is for systems to come on .strong, and the less the individual, freedoms and his rights to in the teeming mass. That is one good reason why the recent U.N. study indicating that the world's population probably will level off a century from now at 12.3 billion is a bleak and dreary piece of news, if that comes true. Twelve billion, of course, is more than three times what the earth has now. The increase na- turally will be uneven as to where it comes. But trebling the in-place concentrations of today brings in- sights as to what the hundred-year development could mean: Cedar Rapids Iowa City ,'Des Moines Marion Iowa 8.4 million? No, thanks. The U.N. figures differ from the standard scare-type estimates which warn of. 60 billion in the wings if present birth rates, worldwide, go on unchecked until today's newborns have grandchildren. Instead, the U.N. outlook sees a stabilizing life-ex- "pectancy of 76 years and a fertility level tapering down to zero- growth (replacement only) by -2075 or so. From this, 12 Mestpuction to European Jewry, tthe just-emerging insensitivity is necessarily deliberate" and Tpften shows up among respected, -individuals and institutions. So '.'goes the League's thesis in a t' recent report. 1; And .who are the architects of l-this alleged new impediment to human rights? Those cited include the Chris- .tian Science Monitor for a report i which the ADL considers a defense of the Arab side during T-the October war, the American Friends Service Committee for its titled, "In Search of Peace the Middle and '-surprisingly Columnists 'Rowland Evans and Robert Novak -for being "consistently hostile" to Israel. Significantly, all purported are based on the alleged anti-Semites' opinions of :4he Middle East war. Evans' and Novak's presence in :the ADL rogues' gallery is enough cast doubt on the League's en- Mire report. As regular readers of >this page know, the columnists 'Nobility' to neither are reporters first and edi- torialists second. Evans followed the format faithfully in his recent trip to the Mideast: When Arab extremism moderated, the columnist noted the change. Was it the acknowledgment that Arabs are men, not monsters, that put Evans and Novak on the ADL's list of purported anti-Semites? More likely the offending material came in a December 28 piece which chronicled efforts of the American Jewish community to reduce pro-Israeli political passions were stirred at the time by none other than lobbyists from the Anti- Defamation League. Noting that B'nai B'rith is a "highly responsible and effective national service Evans and Novak described an ADL advertisement in the New York Times as "verging on the incendiary." The ad was atten- tion-worthy since it coincided with the Geneva peace conference's most fragile groundwork. Until the Anti-Defamation League presents better evidence, the notion that a new strain of an- ti-Semitism is running wild will remain highly debatable. To as- sign less than 100 percent war blame to the Arabs is not to slip into anti-Semitism. By William F. Butkley, jr. THE VISION of Alexander Solzhenit- syn continues to unwind before a world stunned by its magnificence, and now an act of audacity unequaled in recorded history: a letter to Soviet leaders asking them to abandon Marxist ideology, no less. But this letter written last Sep- tember and transmitted then to these leaders and released only now for public scrutiny was not merely a theatrical gesture. It is composed, for all that it is sublime in its impact, of Russian earth. It is the deed of an obsessed but wholesome patriot. It could not have been written except by a Russian who had experienced Soviet history in every pore, and felt in his soul the great weight of Russian history. And there are in it of course invocations of human idealism. But, mostly, it is: cold turkey. Solzhenitsyn communicates how preoccupied Soviet leaders are with the possibility of war with China. Solzhenitsyn says it quite clearly, that Russia and China are on a non- nuclear collision course. The reason is primarily ideological. He does not see how such a war, lasting ten years or more, could result in less than 60 million Russian casualties double the casual- ties of the bloody Russian century, (wo world wars plus Stalin. Ideological differences would IriKKer the war. "And what do you think will happen That, when war breaks out. both the belligerents will simply fly the purity of their-ideology on their flags? And that 60 million of our fellow countrymen will allow themselves to be Alexander Solzhenitsyn killed because the sacred truth is written on page 533 of Lenin and not on page 335 as our adversary claims? Surely only the very very first of them will die for that." After that, he says, Russians will fight for Russia, even as they did in the second world war, when Stalin prudently retired all talk of international socialism, until thelpeople of Russia had rebuffed the in- vadW, permitting Slalin to resume his internal holocaust. And when that hap- pens the present leadership of Russia will: be dispossessed anyway, and Russia willinot only be through as (he principal patron of worldwide class warfare, but be so weakened by the experience of the war that it will lose the ties Western culture (hat animate il. Solahenitsyn goes on to spell out a great vision to Soviet leaders. He sees the world (suffering from a great Western heresy) the idea of eternal growth. It has led in Russia to the ruination of the land, the scaj the air, the community and the human Being, i The great opportunity for Russia is to look There is Siberia, populated very sparsely. Siberia could Russian hordes and there they might recapture something of the old made more enticing by the knowledge of what it is that they had fled from. There would be clean waters, and silent skies and above all an absence of lies, "lies, lies, more oppressive in modern Russia than any of the material privations that have result- ed from ideological fanaticism, t Think about it, Solzhenitsyn says, as though hse were in the village marketplace, bargaining with a merchant for a table lamp. Think of it. You don't have to go right away to a parliamentary democracy. Russia's experience with democracy has been for only eight months in 1917. and Ihey proved disastrous. It would be an authoritarian govern- ment for a good while, Solzhenitsyn con- cedes, and (he present leaders could protect themselves in power. They would need only lo: Renounce Marxism. Permit people (o say what (hey waul, (o praclice their religion, (o read what they wanl. "Only allow us a free art and literature and you will see what a rich harvest it brings." "What have you to fear? Is the idea so terrible? Are you really so unsure of yourselves? You will still have a great and impregnable power, a separate, strong and exclusive party, the army, the police force, industry, transport, com- munications, mineral wealth, a monopoly foreign trade, an artificial rate of exchange for the ruble. But let the people breathe, let them think and develop. If you belong to the people heart and soul, there can be nothing to hold you back." Five months later, Solzhenitsyn was plucked out of Russia and dumped in Germany. But his great epistle to the Russian leaders an instant classic will survive them all. It may yet be cri- tical in insuring the survival of the: country he loves so deeply. Washington Star Syndicate Mistaken fear of U.S. 'domination' f; France becomes 'nasty' to Kissinger By James Reston PARIS Relations between the United States and France have taken a nasty turn. It is not primarily that their policies are different, which is under- standable and even natural, but that they are beginning to personalize their differences and blame Kissinger or Jobert or Pompidou for their misunder- standings. The charges against the American secretary of state here are startling. They amount to an indictment of bad faith. In official quarters in Paris, it is said that he tells one story to the French, another to the British, and a third to the Germans. At one point, they claim he wants Europe to speak with one voice, but when it does, they feel that he resents having to talk to the Danish foreign minister as the spokesman of the Nine, and insists that they confer with the United States before presenting him with Europe's decisions. On the other.hand, Kissinger feels that the French are purposely trying to exclude the United States from conferences which affect American vital interests. His view is that the problems of trade, money, oil and defense are common problems that can be solved only by common policies among the in- dustrial nations, but the French take a different view. They opposed his suggestion that there should be a'trilateral declaration of by the United States, Western Europe and Japan to deal with the financial and" economic problems of the advanced nations. France insisted on a declaration by Europe and Japan, excluding the United States. Similarly, Kissinger wanted Europe and the United States to hold'a conference with the Arab states this year to discuss economic, financial, and cul- tural relations, but again France insisted on a European-Arab conference without the United States. Aside from these fundamental differences of policy, side issues are now adding to the problem. For example, the Hunters, critics both overdo it t ;By Don Oakley WITHIN recent years, anti-hunling ientiment in America has grown rapidly. Hunters have been characterized by anti-hunting organizations as "miserable cowards" with a "lust to Moll." To the anti-hunter, hunting is an evil, a ragral outrage. To the hunter, it is a posi- live good and crucial to wildlife conser- vation. And never do the twain meet on any common ground. A plague on both houses, says Jack E. Hope. As a former hunler who writes on environmental concerns, Hope is qualified to examine both sides of the controversy dispassionately, and does so in the current issue of Smithsonian magazine. There is little reason, he says, lo I believe that hunters are motivated by abnormal cruelty or propensity to violence. If they were, they would not confine their attention to animals desig- nated as legal game but would in- discriminatory open fire on everything. Hunters are overwhelmingly law-abid- I Ing, says Hope. Pressure from hunters was Instrumental in establishing game and in creating a funding mechanism (through hunting licenses and (axes paid on ammunition) to rescue several declining species. Until the recent upsurge in environmental Don Oakley interesl, hunlers were foremost among those people who devoted any thought or effort to the welfare of wildlife. In thousands of rural communities in the United Slates and Canada, many families consider the annual moose or elk or deer an important supplement to the food supply. Thi hunter, far more than the nonhunter, is also close to Ihe cycle of life and dealh. This is not to equate shooting an elk wilh buying a side of beef. The elk is wild and relatively rare. Catlle are domestic and plentiful almost a manmade product. But our herds of domestic- livestock compete directly and indirectly wilh wildlife for space and food. In addi- tion, ranchers and farmers trap and shoot predators. Even a total vegetarian cannot escape having an effect upon the welfare of wild animals. Human appetite, not only for lamb and beef but for second homes, automobiles, paper plates, lawn furniture and kilowatt hours, has sufficiently altered the complexion of the landscape so that many wildlife populations have been pushed into remote areas. But the hunter who likes lo think of himself as an "ecological equally participates with nonhunters in the frivolous resource consumption thai reduces wildlife habitat. "It is neilher morally nor philosophically says Hope, "lo spend five days of each week whittling away at wildlife's living space and then to claim that the weekend hunt the harvest of surpluses is an act of environmental mercy "The real immorality of the hunting movement is not its willingness to kill, per se, but its unwillingness to respccl the biological and eslhetic inlegrily of the natural world. In its selective, self- serving attitudes toward wildlife, in its eagerness lo manipulate Hie environmenl for the sake of ils sport, the hunling movement displays an ultimate Insensi- tivity to all lower life forms." But, he concludes, any ethic lhal would condemn sport hunting would, if it were consistent, also condemn such things as ski resorts, automobiles, swimming pools, ovcrcaling, fur coats, large families, golf courses and summer homes. Newiponer Knlerprlso Aisoclollon United Stales government is informed thai the French ambassador in Rio'de Janeiro has been telling Brazilian of- ficials that between Washington and Moscow on the limitalion of strategic arms are designed to establish the dominalion of the United Stales over Weslern Europe and of Ihe Soviet Union over Eastern Europe. Also, French officials blame Kissinger for urging President Nixon during the Washington oil conference to threaten Europe that oil trade, monetary and defense questions were all "linked." Therefore, failure to reach agreement on economic questions could influence Washington's decision about keeping United States troops in Europe, and even lead reluctanlly lo a revival of American isolationism. So fhe poison spreads. As a result of these differences, Kis- singer did not come back through Paris on his way home from the Middle East, but went lo Bonn lo talk to Chancellor Willy Brandt, and then to Brussels to report on his Middle East mission. This was not accidental, and French officials look it as a rebuke. Nobody talks about President Nixon here. Watergate is seldom mentioned. All questions are about Kissinger; his philosophy, his scholarly writings from his days at Harvard, which have been studied in official quarters here with meliculous care, and particularly, as Ihe French see It, his fascinalion wilh world order based on understandings with the primary military powers. The view of America here is very odd, and in many ways deeply unfair. It is not understood in Paris that the United Slales has come oul of Vietnam and Wa- forum Paradox To the Lt. William Galley, who thought it was "no big deal" when he murdered scores of Vietnamese civilians, has been released from house arrest and seems destined to gain his freedom. President Nixon, in regard lo "draft has publicly stated that within our system of government, when an in- dividual makes a mistake he must pay for it. Paradoxically, he has indirectly had a manifest effect on the decision to free Lt. Calley. Incredibly, this would seem lo imply that he feels Galley should be forgiven while those morally opposed to and unwilling to be a part of the war in Vietnam should not. The majority of perceptive Americans now can realize the utter futility and tragic consequences of our past and con- tinued involvement in Vietnam. The staggering numbers of casualties, both American and Vietnamese, can on no pretense be justified by our claim (hat we only desire the people of Vietnam freedom to choose their own form of government. Our policy has not been dictated by genuine concern for the Viclnameso people but rather has been based primarily on preservalion of our own self-interests. Why. then should II con- tinue to be a crime to have realized and refused to he a participant in such a fiasco? Since Ihe Paris peace agreement, tho people of South Vietnam were to bo free to join and vote for the polillcal party of (heir choice. Instead, South Vielnam Is governed by a puppet'dictator who is supported and financed by tho United Stales, The Irony of nil thin Is thai wo have always professed Ihe desire to give Hie Vietnamese pooplo tho samo freedoms we enjoy In this country. tergale in a mood of self-doubt and self-' criticism, and far from trying to dominate Europe, is searching for new ways lo create a different world order and looking to Europe for help in finding common policies to deal with the present disarray in the Uoncommunist world. French officials prefer to believe 'that the Nixon administration, in trouble al home, is trying to compensate by show- ing how strong and powerful and dominant it is aibroad. In short, they think the danger tto France is American domination, whereas the greater danger to Europe is American frustration and isolation. Obviously, thene is a fundamental political problem jbetween the United States and Francelabout how the world should be organized. But this is being made much mwre difficult by President Pompidou psychological fears and doubts on both sides, and this threshold question is not really being discussed. Presidents Nixon and Pompidou, both in personal difficulty, are standing aside, leaving the negotiations primarily to Kissinger and Foreign Minister Michel Jobert. The cartoonisls and commenta- tors are having a field day with this Mike and Henry show, but this only makes things worse. The front cover of the pro-government French weekly magazine Le Point recently showed a huge American eagle in the sky, casting its shadow over the whole continent of Europe. That is the 'official line here: That America is hot seeking a new world order But trying to impose its influences and leadership on Europe. -V__, The notion of the Nixon administration trying to dominate Europe when it can- not even win the confidence of its own people would be funny if it were, not so tragic. What is odd is the French suspicion that Kissinger is trying to break up the unity of Europe, when all the present facts suggest that there is no unity of Europe and not much hope that there will be if the Europeans are left to squabble among themselves. One day Kissinger and Jobert are go' ing to have to discuss this growing at- mosphere of distrust. They are both highly intelligent men who respect one anolher despite' their policy differences, but the policy differences are not likely to be removed until the mistrust is removed. This is the preliminary ques- tion, and it cannot be avoided much longer without serious both America and Europe. New York Times Service Our President's refusal lo grant am- nesty to Ihe many young Americans op- posed lo the Vielnam wai; poses some inleresting queslions abfout the man himself and the obvious incongruity of many of his aclions. One can almost dis- cern a tendency toward convictions being merely a mailer of expediency rather than of ethics. This indeed is sad when prelates lo a man who has been Irusted and often for- given by so many, yel has reciprocated by being genuinely concerned and com- passionate toward so few. David A. Bradley 2131 Blairs Ferry road NE Molesting To the Editor. Are little children less traumatized by sex offenders today than their -counter- parts of yesteryear? I think not. Then why the need for "updiating" section 725.1 of Iowa code dealing with immoral or lascivious acts with children? Mothers and fathers should write their legislators. If child molestcrs arc 'let off any easier than they already arc, nojchild will be safe. i .Imly Harrington 2625 McGowan avenue Marion Overstaffed? To the Editor: As a Marion city employe and chair- man of (he city of Marion employes committee, I fee! compelled to enlighten the taxpayers of Marlon concerning statements recently made by some of aiir councllmcn. i Quoting Councilman Galilgan: I suspect cily hall Is overstaffed." Conn- cllman Marlin: "But computerizing is'a possible way to reduce the staff sllll more nnd cut down on some waste." Council- man Ernmons: "Still, I Ihlnk iho city as n whole lias too many employes Iho list! Is heavy, too heavy yel I don'l how or where lo mnko changes." l> Marion, wilh nearly people, is served by a sanilation crew of six men. This is overstaffed? Ninety miles of sanitary sewer and nearly that many miles of storm sewers are maintained by a crew of three. Overstaffed? The garage, with two mechanics, service and maintain over 93 units. Are they over- staffed? The street department crew of eight men includes one supervisor, one man maintaining all slreel and traffic signs, traffic signals and painting traffic lines, one slreel sweeper operator, and during Ihe summer one man mowing weeds. This leaves four men to care miles of streets. Is thai Ihe heavy list? Marion's city clerk has a staff of three. Too many? Would someone advocate cutting our police and fire protection? How does Marion's ratio of city employes compare with other nearby cities? Marion can progress and rise lo new heights. However, let's keep our problems in the right perspective. Are some of our sewer and drainage ditches a problem? Are some of our street condi- tions a problem? Arc we overstaffed? Al Etzel N. Tenth street Marion Insights aro no siluaffons; Iliore are only men who liavo grown hopoleis abouf (horn, Clara Booth
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