Burlington Hawk Eye, October 12, 1848

Burlington Hawk Eye

October 12, 1848

View full page Start A Free Trial!

Issue date: Thursday, October 12, 1848

Pages available: 8

Previous edition: Thursday, October 5, 1848

Next edition: Thursday, October 19, 1848

NewspaperARCHIVE.com - Used by the World's Finest Libraries and Institutions
About Burlington Hawk Eye About NewspaperArchive.com

Publication name: Burlington Hawk Eye

Location: Burlington, Iowa

Pages available: 542,425

Years available: 1845 - 2015

Learn more about this publication
  • 2.10+ billion articles and growing everyday!
  • More than 400 years of papers. From 1607 to today!
  • Articles covering 50 U.S.States + 22 other countries
  • Powerful, time saving search features!
Start your membership to the world's largest newspaper archive now!
Start your genealogy search now!
See with your own eyes the newspapers your great-great grandparents held.

View sample pages : Burlington Hawk Eye, October 12, 1848

All text in the Burlington Hawk Eye October 12, 1848, Page 1.

Burlington Hawk Eye (Newspaper) - October 12, 1848, Burlington, Iowa BURLINGTON, IOWA, OCTOBER 12. 1848. NO. 211 Li - ■—'1    ■    -- Bi tP.aXBB’gr «B "S5T0{ HUin    Stretti, o».»«■»      J“    "• TE*M9 or »CBSCHirTlON! •MOOU>A*i P*r i#MÎ te *• pa4U JglnoKXtUi MM ieÜMr    h»rtt)f^tn cents with the above terms, will sub-A?^utiwittMato iMKtra chars« of t»rentg-Jve tffffarmythre« month. tolaf. TWt rote wtfi 6« OF ADVCRTIimO: ,rt4 lina« or »*•*> °“® ^«ert40®»    •    1    ¡¡¡J atltff*^*1 iaacxUoo*    •    •    60 Ml MOBth, •    •    *    * RlM MOathl, itfcs, . «MMtfl    •*.*** • line») per annum hjr th« year will be en-to keif a column for    • ¿B aatrachars« wiU be made for all over the price of subscription to *    in    the    above    charges. half column, one year • one column, SPEECH OF MR LINCOLN Of lU., on the Presidential Question, Delivered in the House of Representatives of the United States, July 21, 1848. Gen. Tnyler and the Veta Pew«r. Mr Speaker: Our Democratic friends seem to be in great distress because they think our candidate for the Presidency don’t suit us. Most of them cannc* find out that Gen. Taylor has any principles at all; some, howover, have discovered, that he has one, but that that one is entirely wrong. This one principle is his position on the veto power. The gentleman from Tennessee, (Mr Stanton,) who has just taken his seat, indeed, has said there is very little if any difference on this question between Gen. Taylor and the other Presidents; and he seems to think it sufficient detraction from Gen. Taylor’s position on it, that it has nothing new in it.— so oo j But all others, whom 1 have heard speak, 60 00 | assail it furiously. A new member from Kentucky (Mr Clark) of very considera- i so 4 oo 1 00 1« 00 t 00 so oo Jj-nwtoito« u    justHTu t ble ability, was in particular concern about MitSwest b—E of tbe Mississippi «bout fa He thought it altogether novel and un- HHli. gydi3i7™^ HHHH1 TIN, copper and Skect Iron Manufacturer^ of Stoves, Ac., Jfjtrrto* street. one ■ J. G. Footes Iron Store,Bur.sngton W precedented for a President, or a Presidential candidate, to think of approving bill* whose constitutionality may not be entirely clear to his own mind. He thinks the ark of safety is gone, unless Presidents shall always veto such bill* as, in their C/W. lWrmann,    _________ holesale and retail dealer in    «• judgment, may be of doubtful constitution- ’    Buriiuiton.    i    ality. However clear Congress may be of y    —¿TC^tf    i    their authority t0 Pas* any particular act, ■'•“¡.JfVi? SaL. ¿ails,Stoves the gentleman from Kentucky thinks the SÜLtoÖÄST’    .    I    President must veto it if he has doubts «MS sawmn »    _____.—. n„riiMtnn. Iowa. hfferm a street, Burlington, LYMAX COO*. 77 r*Prwffh * Cook, 1er rentos SrncBT, hdween V«* ««A Third. WSS***« Retail Dealer, in Iron, Stove., W Castings, Hollow-Ware, Il II f -    -    jBMMBjffP IronWam* I'M *     . Copper and Sheet Klanberg, iVn-kuive*, Pocket-Knives, 9anifl| SrÄ‘-“i3i iafto* aad Columbi»^BurUngton^o\^^^^^^^^^g - w rlfo:^    1 WHOLESALE and Retail Dealer ^ Groceries, Hardware, Qnecnaware, BooUand Mom, Hats and Cap., Glass, Nails, Ac- Ac. Jtfmon street, Burlington, Iowa. TL ^^■1. Ewing * «»•, rvEALERS in fUple and Fancy Dry-Goods, Gro-1 iLfi—Qiu^Bimrf. Hats^aps, Boots, Sboe»Ac| ¿¿SmSáB Jeíerson airaet. Burlington, Iowa- .J J. 3. Kimfe*» Scrm.» ^ ÏJ1WVRD1NG and Commission Merchant»,Cor-ir of Main aad Jefferson Street., Burnt.!»«- j fW, Iowa.    .    ___ DEALERS Ilf Dry Goods, Groceries, Hardware, Quseaswarc, Boot#, Shoes, Hats, Capa, Ac.. RsaiktofiA Brwwlllsisfslt* HAVE associated in the practice of Medtcuiffs— rymTorn the corner of W.shingtoa and fltad stn«U,    Burlington,    May    **,    *48 about it. Now I have neither time nor inclination to argue with the gentleman on the veto power as an original question, but I wish to show that Gen. Taylor, and not he, agrees with the early statesmen on this question. When the bill chartering the first bsnk of the United States passed Congress, its constitutionality was questioned; Mr Madison, then in the House of Representatives, as well as others, had opposed it on that ground. Gen. W ash-ington, as President, was called on to approve or reject it. He sought and obtained, on the constitutional question, the separate written opinions of Jefferson, Hamilton, and Edmund Randolph, they then being respectively Secretary of State, Secretary of the Treasury and Attorney Gen- ... 1 * 14 imilfnn'« Aiiitiinn WAD for the DOW- W. H. Mauro, GENERAL AGENT and Commi.uon Merchant JeferMu, between Main and W¿ter-sireet», Bur fiajAe, J#w«. Senior in «tapie Dry Good«, Grocerici, Liquor«, Boot», ikoti, Ac., Ac. Dr Johu F. Henry, ffTEN DER» hi« proferìiona! .errices to the citizen. I of Burlington and it. vicinity rlro&c* in the Basement of hi« new buUJing on fermer •/ 4/4 dnd and tke PubBe »quart. Residence «atto same baildiuf.    _ J. Id. Laumaii, FJRWAROING and CX»mtai«**on Merchant, Corme Froni F Jejforoon Street», »vmunoron, iowa. WkoU**l» ond Retail Dealer in Dry Good», Groc-ties, Hardware, Queen.ware, Bscta, »ho«., Hat», Cap«, Ac. Ae R. T. Doriti, FORWARDING aad CoramU.ion Merchant, Wa ter «treet, Burlington, Iowa. DEALER LN Dry-Goo 1», Groceries, Queen.ware, i Hardware, Mats, Cap«, Boot», Shoe., Ac. Ac.^ , TriTeAa««»»«. zosncA corr. «• s. fassoh». Psrwa«,r«p|>A l*«tr«wwut FtR WAR Ul NG and Cowmi««ion ME«r«»NT», Erra/ «ni Jejenon Street«, bushsoto» iowa. DEALERS IN Dry-Gooda, Grocerie«, Hardware, %MSR§Wsf«, Beat, and Short, Drug« and Medicine. ; Dy« lafi, Paints. Oil«, Ac. Ac.__| eral; Hamilton’s opinion was for the power, while Randolph’* and Jefferson’s were both against it. Mr Jefferson, after giving his opinion decidedly against the constitutionality of that bill closes his letter with the paragraph which 1 now read: “ft must be admitted, hoivever, that unless the President“** mind, on a view’ of every thing which is urged for and against this bill, is tolerably clear that it is unauthorized by the Constitution; if the pro and the con hang so even as to balance his judgment, a just respect for the w’isdom of the legislature would naturally decide the balance in favor of their opinion; it is chiefly for cases where they are clearly misled by error, ambition, or interest, that the Constitution has placed a check iu the negative of the President. THOMAS JEFFERSON.” Feb. 15th, 1791.” Gen. Taylor’s opinion, as ezpregsed in bis Allison letter, is as 1 now read: “The power given by the veto is a high conservative power; but, in my opinion, should never be exercised except incases of clear violation ol the Constitution, or manifest haste and want of consideration attempt to dragoon them into their adoption.” Now, can there be any difficulty in understanding this? To you, Democrats, it may not seem like principle; hut surely you cannot fail to perceive the position plainly enough. The distinction between it, and the position of your candidate is broad and obvious, and 1 admit you have a dear right to show it is wrong, if you can; but you have no right to contend you cannot see it at all. We see it, and to us it appears like principle, ami the best sort of principle at that—the principle of allowing the people to do as they please with their own business. My friend from Indiana (C. B. Smith) lias aptly asked, “Are you willing to trust the people?”— Some of you answered, substantially,— “We are willing to trust the people; but the President is as much the representative of the people as Congress.*’ In a certain sense, and to a certain extent, he is the representative of the people. He is elected by them, as well as Congress is. But can he, in the nature of things, know the wants of the people as well as three hundred ether men coming from all the various localities of the Nation? If so, where is the propriety of having a Congress? — That the Constitution gives the President a negative on legislation all know, hut that «his negative should be so combined with platforms, and otber appliances, as to enable him, and, in fact, almost compel him, to take the whole of legislation in his hands, is what we object to, is what Gen. Taylor objects to, ami is what constitutes the broad distinction between you and us. To thus transfer legislation is clearly to take it from tho«e who understand, with I minuteness, the interest of the people, and I give it to one who doe* not, and cannot, so t well understand it. 1 understand your t idea, that if a Presidential candidate avow his opinion upon a given question, or, i rather upon all questions, and the people, with full knowledge of this, elect him, they thereby distinctly approve all those opinions. This, though plausible, is a most pernicious deception. By means of it,i measures are adopted or rejected contrary to tbe wishes of the whole of one party, and often nearly half of the other. The process is this:    Three,    four, or half a do zen questions are prominent at a given time; the party selects its candidate, and he takes his position on each of these questions; on all but one his positions have already been endorsed at former elections, and his party fully committed to them; but that one is new, and a large portion of of them, is the greatest real objection to improvements, and has been so held by Gen. Jackson, Mr Polk, and all others, 1 believe, till now. But now, behold the objects most general, nearest free from this objection, are to be rejected, while those most liable to it are to be embraced. To return: 1 cannot help believing that Gen. Cass, when he wrote his letter of acceptance, well understood he was to be claimed bv the advocates of both sides of this question, and that he then closed the door against all further expressions of opinion, purposely to retain the benefits of that double position. His subsequent equivocation at Cleveland, to my mind, proves such to have been the case. One word more, and I shall have done with this branch of the subject. You Democrats, and your candidate, in the main, are in favor of laying down, in advance, a platform—a set of party positions, as a unit; and then of enforcing the people, by every sort of appliance, to ratify them, however unpalatable some of them may be We, and onr candidate, are in favor of making Presidential elections and the leg ¡station of the country distinct matters; so that the people can elect whom they please, and, afterwards, legislate just as they please, without any hindrance, save only so much as may guard against infractions of the Constitution, undue haste, and want of consideration. The difference between us is clear as noon-dav. That we are right we cannot doubt. We hold the true republican posit ion. In leaving the people’s business in their hands we cannot be wrong. We are willing, and even anx ious, to go to the people on this issue. Old Horses and Military Coat-Tails.— But! suppose I cannot reasonably hope to convince you that we have any principles The most I can expect is, to assure you that we think we have, and are quite con tented with them. The other day, one of the gentlemen from Georgia, (Mr Iver son,) an eloquent man, and a man of learn ing, so far as I can judge, not being learn *1 myself, came down upon us as?oni>h ingly. He spoke in what the Baltimore American calls ihe “scathing and wither ing style.” At the end of his second se vere flish I was struck blind, and fount my self feeling with my fingers for an as surance of my continued physical exist ence. A little of the bone was left and I gradually revived. He eulogized Mr Clay in high and beautiful terms, and then declared that we had deserted all our principles, and had turned Heinry Clay out, which he could make a new man out of an old one, and have enough of the stuff left to make a little yellow dog. Just such a discovery has General Jackson’s popularity been to you« You not only twice made President of him out of it, but you lave had enough of the stuff left to make Presidents of several comparatively small men since; and it is your chief reliance now to make still another. Mr Speaker, old liorses and military’ coat-tail or tails of any sort, are not figures of speech such as 1 would be the first to introduce into discussions here; but as the gentleman from Georgia has thought tit to introduce them, he and you are welcome to all your have made, or can make by them. If you have any more old horses, turn them out; any more tails, just cock them, and come at us. I repeat, I would not introduce thismode of discussion here; but 1 wi*h gentlemen on the other side to understand, that the use of degrading figures is a game at which they may not find themselves able ta take all tbe winnings. [We give it up.] Aye, you give it up, and well you may; but for a very different reason from that which you would have us understand. The point—the power to hurt—of all figures, consist in the truthfulness of their application; and, understanding this, you may well give it up. They are weapons which hit you, but miss us. Military Tail of the Great Michigander. But, in my hurry, I was very near closing on the subject of military tails before I was done with it. There is one entire thecountry tome time.Ithas beenrepeatedly discussed in Congress, and by the public press. I am strongly impressed with the opinion that a great change has been going on in the public mind upon this subject — in my own, as well as others; and that doubts are resolving themselves into convictions, that the principle it involves should be kept out of the National Legislature, and left to the people of tbe Confederacy in their respective local Governments.” #    *    •    •    # “Briefly, then, I am opposed to the exercise of any jurisdiction by Congress over this matter; and I am in favor of leaving the people of any territory which may be hereafter acquired, the right to regulate it themselves, under the genera! principles of the Constitution. Because, “1 do not see in the Constitution any grant of the requisite power to Congress; and 1 am not disposed to extend a doubtful precedent beyond its necessity—the estab-ment of territorial governments when needed—leaving to the inhabitants all the rights compatible with the relations they bear to the Confedration.” These extracts show that, in 1846, Gen. Cass was for the Proviso ai once; that, in March, 1847, he was still for it, but not just then; and that, in December, 1847, he was against it altogether. This is a true index to the whole man. When the question was raised in 1846, he was in a blustering hurry to take ground for it. He sought to be in advance, and to avoid the uninteresting position of a mere follower; but soon he began to see glimpses of the great Democratic ox-gad waving in his article of the sort 1 have not discussed yet; I mean the military tail you Demo- i face, and to hear, indistinctly, a voice s»y-leaired in dovetailing on to j ing “Back,” “Back, sir,” “Back a little.” crats are now’ engaged in dovetailing them are against it. But what ate they to like an old horse, to root. This is terri-do? The whole are strung together, and I bly severe. It c.mnot be answered by ar-they must take all or reject all. They can- gument; at least, 1 cannot so answer it. not take what they like and leave the rest. 1 merely wish to ask the gentleman if the What thev are already committed to, being Whigs are the only party he can think of. by Congress.” ’ It is here seen that, in F, J. V. Pr.i«kT & co, TOORWaRDING and Coaimiüion Merckautu, vra-T ter    Burlington Iowa. S3* Li Serai advance« made on consignments to toward, ar tell In tkia Market at auction or other-Ri«a,ar 4a sail in St Louis, New Orleans or tke Atlantic Cities.    I* SS-S-lyl Wm B. Remey, DEALER la Dry-Good*, Queensware; Hardware; Boato, Shoe« and Groceries, Ac., Ac. Main street, between Jefferson and Market, Bur-liagtoa; lows._____ A. F. AArahai*., nuu. ■■ BOOM AND «TATIONNBT of»*«-JLr rj description at the lowest price« for t «•*— VCOrner of Barret lion»*, Burlington, lowa-SS-y W*> J. F. Tallan*. OLES ALE AND RETAIL Dealer in Drugs, Medidme», Faint», Dft Stujf*, Fottg, Window gc., |rc.t ge-, Jefferson Street, Burlington, Iowa. WM. OASSCTT. JOEL Kl sail SA UM ■¡Coi, Barrett Ai co.« WHOLESALE aad Retail Dealer« in Dry-Gooda, I Groceries, Hardware,Boot«, Shoe», Hat«^^«pa, Ready Made Clothing, Ac., Ac. Corner of Main and Jetaría* Street«, Burlington, loma______ _____âc    CO., WHOLESALE aad Retail Dealer* in Foreign and Domestic Dry Oood«,Grocerie«; Ready Made Oladkiag, Ac. Ac. Wafer street, between Mam and Valley, BusLiacToa, lews.    __ Wetflcjr «lone*, Groceries, Hardware, Queensware, Boot», •to*«, Hats,Caps, Ac. Jefferson street, Burlington. _ Snron Sc Boemilcr, Corner of Jeferoon mstss, Iowa. cf. aad Third »treed, Bun- H A. cm * 4 con CUBDLER AND HARNESS MAKER, O street, BuamIowa. Jefferson W. darner, uri sar Office Jefferson St between Main and Sd. A. %W. Carpenler, JEWELLER and Watch-maker, Mam, near ,the Corner of Jefferson Street, Bunnno- HTd. Stockton, TTORXEY and Counsellor at L \w, Burlington, ■tJ-OAoe at hia res ideare on Pukhctguare. is: A. 0. Srcta, _ u tTTORNEY ìSdCssMclias at Law, Burling-tfn, lease. Office oo Main »treet.    _ B'* i R. S. Aduni«, OOT,SHOE AND LEATHER MERCHANT,Main street, two doors north of Jefferson, Burhng-fe«, Idara.    (oct 14-H-y] d p. Turner« piiaiONABLE BOOT AND SHoV Manorac-£. ÜB, Maim Street, m/ew dam* North of Jef- BuaLinoToyi, Iowa. Mmt    J. H. Mcliramm. ^MANUFACTURER of Vinegar ami Family Gro-B cmtt Jeflferson Street, Burlington, Iowa. [<d y] Mr Jefferson’s ‘ opinion, if, on the constitutionality ol anj’ ' given bill the President doubts, he is not ; , to veto it,as the gentleman from Kentucky I would have hiui to do, hut is to defer to * Congress and approve it. And it we com- j ; pare the opinions of Jefferson and Taylor, j ! as expressed in these paragraphs, we shall > ' find them more exactly alike than we can I often find any two expressions having any- j literal difference. None but interested fault-finders, I think, can discover any substantial variation. Taylor on JJtnsures of Policy. But gentlemen on the other side are unanimously agreed that Gen. Taylor has no other principles. They are in utter darkness as to his opinions on any of the questions of policy w’hich occupy the public attention. But is there any doubt as to what he will do on the prominent questions, if elected? Not the least. It is not possible to know w hat he will or would do in every imaginable case; because many questions have passed away, and others doubtless will arise, which none ol us have yet thought of; but on the prominent questions of currency, tariff, internal improvements, and W ilmot proviso, Gen. laylor s course is at least as well defined as is Gen. Cass’s. Why, in their eagerness to get at Gen. Taylor, several Democratic members here have desired to know whether, in case of his election, a bankrupt law’ is to be established. -Can they tell us Gen. Cass s opinion on this question? [Some member auswered, “He is against it.”] Aye, how do you know he is? There is nothing about it in the platform, nor elsewhere, that 1 have seen. If the gentleman know» of anything which I do not, he can show it. But, to return, Gen. Taylor, in his Allison letter, say*: “Upon the subject of the tariff, the currency, the improvements of our gr*at highways, rivers, lakes, and harbors, the will of the people, as expressed through their Representatives in Congress, ought to be respected and carried out by the Executive.” Now, this is the whole mailer—in substance, it is thi>:    The people say to Gen. Taylfer, “if you are elected, shall we have a national bank? He answers:    i<wr will, gentlemen not mine.” “What about the tariff?” “Say yourselves.” “Shall our rivet» and harbors be improved?” “Just at you please.” If you desire a bask, an alteration of the tariff, Internal improvements, any, or all, I will not hinder you; if you do not desire them, I will nel attempt to force them on you.” “Send members of Congress ■¡■WTTTCaSereSTwHP A ÜCTI0N AND COMMISSION Me lit HAST, J*S~ fera*% Street. Barlington. Iowa. doers from the up your-------- .    .. various districts with opinions according these to your own, and if they are for measures, of any of them, I shall have nothing to oppo»e; If they are not for them, I shall nC*» any apPlianccs whatever, the majority, they shut their eyes and gulp the w’hole. Next election, still another is introduced in the same way. If we run our eves along the line of the past we shall see that almost, if not quite, all the articles of the present Democratic creed have been at first forced upon the party in this very way. And just now, and just so, opposition to internal improvement is to be established if General Cass shall be elected. I Almost half the democrats here are fur i improvement*; but they will vote for Cass, ! and if he succeeds, their votes will have I aided in closing the doors against improvement«. Now, this is a process which we think is wrong. We prefer a candidate who, like Gen. Taylor, will allow the people to have their own way, regardless of his private opinion; and 1 should think the internal improvement. Democrats, at least, ouirht to prefer such a candidate. He would force nothing on them which they don’t want, and would allow them to have improvements, which their own candidate if elected, will not. Mr Speaker, 1 have said Gen. Taylor s position is as well defined a* is that of Gen. Cass. In sajincr this, 1 admit I do not certainly know: what he would do on the Wilmot Proviso. I am a northern man, or, rather, a western free Statesman, with a constituency I believe to be, and with personal feeling* I know to be, against the 1 extension of slavery. As such, and with what information I have, I hope, and be-! Here. Gen. Taylor, if elected, would not veto .he Proviso; but I do not know it. Yet, if I knew he would, I still would ; vote for him. I should do so, because in mv judgment, his election alone can defeat Gen. Cass; and because, should slavery ' thereby po to tbe territory we now have, just so much will certainly happen by the election of Gen. C*ass; and, in addition, a j course of policy leading to new wars, new acquisitions of territory, had still further extensions ol slavery. Cine of the two is to be President, which is prefera-ble? But there is as much doubt of C ass on improvements as there is of Taylor «J’ the Proviso. I have no doubt myself of Gen. Cass on this question, but I know the democrats differ among themselves as to his po-itioti. Mv internal improvement colleague (Mr Wentworth) stated on thi* floor the other day that lie was satisfied Cass was for improvements, because he had voted for all the bills that lie (Mr VV.) had. So far so good. But Mr 1 oik vetoed some of these very bills; the Baltimore Convention passed a set of resolutions, among other tilings, approving these vetoes, and Gen. Cass declares, in his letter accepting the nomination, that he has carefully read these resolutions, am! that he adheres to them firmly as he approves them cordially. In other words, Gen. Cass voted for the bills, and thinks the Pj-esident did right to veto them, and his friends here are »miable enough to consider him as being on one side or the other, just as one or the other may correspond with their own respective inclinations.— My colleague admits that the platform declares against the constitutionality of a general system of improvements, and that Gen. Cass endorses the platform; but he still thinks Gen. Cass it in favor of some sort of improvements. Well, what are they? A« he is again*! general objects, those lie is for, must t>e particular and local. Now, this is taking the subject precisely by the wrong end. Particularly—expending the money of the whole people for an object which will benefit only a portion the great Michigander. Yes, sir, all his biographers (and they are legion) have him in hand, tying him to a military tail, like so many mischievous boys tying a dog to a bladder of beans. True, the material they have is very limited; but they drive at it, might and main. He invaded Canada without resistance, and he ouivaded it it without pursuit. As he did both under order«, I suppose there was, to him, neither credit or discredit in them, but they are made to constitute a Urge part of the tail. He was not at Hull’s surrender, but he was close by; he was volunteer aid to Gen. Harrison on the day of the battle of the Thames; and, as you said in 1840, Harrison was picking whortleberries two miles off while tiie battle was fought, I suppose it is a just conclusion, with you, to say Cass was aiding Harrison to pick whortleberries. This is about all, except He shakes his head, and bats his eyes,and blunders back to his position of March, 1847; but still the gad waves, and the voice grows more distinct, and sharper still—“Back, sir,” “Back, I say »’’“Further hack;” and back he goes to the position of December, 1847; at which the gad is •till, and the voice soothingly says—“So,” “Stand at that.” Have no fears, gentlemen, of your candidate; he exactly suits you, and we congratulate you upon it. However much you may be distressed about our candidate, you have all cause to be contented and happy with your own. If elected he may not maintain all, or even any, of his positions previously taken, but he will be sure to do whatever the parly exigency, for the time being, may require; and that is precisely what you want. He ami Van Buren, are the same “manner of men;” the mooted question of the broken sword, j and, like \ an Buren, he will never desert Some authors say he broke it; some say : you, till you first desert him. who sometimes turn old horses out to root.-' Is not a certain Martin Van Buren an old horse, which your own party have turned out to root? and is he not root in? a littie to your di-comfort alwwt now.’’ But in not nominating Mr CUy* we deserted our principles, you say. Ah! in what? Tell us, ye men of principles, what principle we violated? W e sav you did violate principle in discarding Van Buren, and we can tell you how. You violated the primary, the cardinal, the one great living principle of all Democratic representative government—the principle that the representative is bound to carry out the known will of his constituents. A large majority of the Baltimore Convention of 1844 were, by their con>titu-ent*, instructed to procure V an Buren’s nomination il they could. In violation, in utter, glaring contempt of this, yon rejected him—rejected him, as the gentleman from New York, ( Mr Birdsall,) the other day expressly admitted, for apail/ibility that same “general availability” which you charge upon us, anil daily chew over here, as something exceedingly odious and unprincipled. But the genlleman from Georgia, (Mr Iverson,) gave ns a second speech yesterday, all well considered and put down in writinjr, in which Van Buren was scathed and withered a “few lor his present position and movements. I cannot remember the gentleman s precise language, but I do remember he j>ut \ an Buren down, down, til! he got him where lie was finally to “>tink” and “rot.’ Mr Speaker, it is no business or inclination of mine to delend Martin A an Buren. In the war of extermination now waging between him and his old admirers, I say, devil take the hindmost—an I the foremost. But there is no mistaking the origin of the breach; and, if the curse of ‘Stinking” and “rotting” is to fall on the first and greatest violator* ol principle in the matter, 1 disinterestedly suggest, that the gentleman from Georgia, and hi* present co-workers, are bound to take it upon themselves. But the gentleman from Georgia further says, we have deserted all our principles,'and taken shelter under General Taylor’* military cout-tail;and he seems to think this is exceedingly degrading. Well, as his faith is, so be it unto him. But can he remember no other party have been sheltering for near a quarter of a century? I In a he no acquaintance with the ample military coat'tail of General Jackson?— Does lie not know that hi* own party have run the last five Presidential races under races under that coat tail? and that they are the sixth under that same that eoat tail was now running cover? Yes sir, used, not only for General Jackson himself, but has been clung to with the grip of death by every Deinooratic candidate since. You have never ventured and dare not now venture from under it. Your campaign papers have constantly been “Old Hickories,” with rude likenesses of the old General upon them; hiokory poles and hickory brooms your never-ending emblems; Mr Polk, himself, was “Young Hickory," “Little Hickory.” or some thing so; and even now your campaign paper here is proclaiming that Cass and Butler are of the true “Hickory stripe.” No, sir, you dare not give it up. Like a horde of hungry ticks you have stuck to the tail of the Hermitage lion to the end of his life; and you are still sticking to it, and drawing a loathsome sustenance from it after he is dead. A fellow once advertised that he had made a discovery by some he threw it away; and some others, who ought to know, say nothing about it. Perhaps it would be a fair historical compromise to say, if he did not break it, he did not do any thing else with it. By the way, Mr Speaker, did you know 1 am a military hero? Yes, sir, in the days of the Black Hawk war, I fought, bled, and came away. Speaking of General Ca>s’s career, reminds me of my own. 1 was not at Stillman’s defeat, but I was about as near it as Cass was to Hull’s surrender, and, like him, I saw the place very soon afterward*. It is quite certain 1 did not break my sword, for 1 had none to break; but I bent a musket pretty badly on one occasion. If Cass broke his sword, tiie idea is he broke it in de*perat;ai;l bRnt the musket by accident. Il Gen. Cass went in advance of me in picking whortleberries, 1 guess I surpassed him in charges upon the wild onions. If he saw any live fighting Indians, it was more than 1 did, but I had a good many bloody struggles with the mnsqnitoes; and, although I uev-er fainted from loss of blood, I can truly say I was often very hungry. Mr Speaker, if I should ever conclude to doff whatever our Democratic friends may suppose there is of black cockade Federalism about me, and, thereupon, they shall take me up as their candidate for the Presidency, I protest they shall not make fun of me, as they have ofGen.Cass, by attempting to write me into a military hero. Cass on the Wilmot Proviso.—>V hi!e 1 have Gen. Cass in hand, I wi*h to say a word about his political principles. As a specimen, I take the record of his progress on the Wilmot proviso. In the Washington Union, of March 2, 1847. there is a report of a speech of Gen.Cass, made the day before in the Senate, on the Wilmot proviso, during the delivery of which Mr Miller,ot New Jersey, is reported to have interrupted him as follows, to wit: “Mr Miller expressed his great surprise at the change in the sentiments of the Senator from Michigan, who had been regarded as the great champion of freedom in the Northwest, of which he was a distinguished ornament. Last year the Senator from Michigan was understood to be decidedly in favor of the Wilmot proviso; and, as no reason had been stated for the change, lie( Mr M.)could not refrain from the oxpression of his extreme surprise.” To this General Cass is reported to have replied as follows, to wit: “Mr Cass said, that the course of the Senator from New Jersey was most extraordinary. Last year he (Mr C.) should have voted for the proposition had it come up. But circumstances had altogether changed. The honorable Senator then read several passages from the remarks, as given above, which he had committed to writing in order to refute such a charge as that of the Senator from New Jersey.” In the “remarks above committed to CASS ON WORKING AND EATING. Mr Speaker, I adopt the suggestion of a friend, that General Cass is a General of splendidly successful charges—charges, to be sure, not upon the public enemy, but upon the public Treasury. He was Governor of Michigan Territory, and, ex officio, Superintendent of Indian Affairs, from the 9th of October, 1813, till the 31st of July, 1831, a period of seventeen years, nine months, and twenty-two days. During this period he received from the United States Treasury, for personal services and personal expenses, the aggregate sum of $96,028, being an average of $14 79 per day for every day of the time. This large sum was reached, the large item of $1,500 per rear, amount- B ing in the aggregate to $26,715, for opce Bj rent, clerk nire, fuel, &o., I barely with H to remark that, so far as I can diaqovaf in B the public documents, there is no evidence, |g by word or inference, either ffbm anj uia* B interested witness, or of General CRaabim* |||| self, that he ever rented or kept aaepar- B ate office; ever hired or kept a clerk; or B ever used any extra amount of fuel, in consequence of his Indian service*.—1|||| Indeed, General Cass* entire »Rene* in re-B gard to these items, in his two long liters B ¡urging his claims upon the Government,^» Sis, to my mind, almost concluiiirD that no j||j ¡such items lad any real existence.    B I But I have introduced General Ceaa’ei^^g ¡count» here, chiefly to show the wofider-H| ful physical capacities of the men. They* show that he not only did the bk&k ftJf** I I eral men ai the same lime, IhiI thd.htel- 11 ¡ten did it at several pieces musf fcnadfed , I | miles apart, at the same timd.,And at eat- 1 ling, too, his capacities are abhwn to be 1 ¡quite as wonderful. From October, 18C1* to May, 1822, he ate ten rxtionff a djy in ■ Michigan, ten rations a day here In Wwh- I ¡¡ngton, and near five dollars’ worth a day ; I besides, partly on the road between the I ¡two places! And then there is an imj*r- 1 | tant discovery in hit example—the art of , I § being paid for what one eats, instead of : 1 | having to pay for it. Hereafter, if any (I | nice young man shall owe a bill which ho J cannot pay in any other way, be can Jost 1 J board it out. Mr Speaker, wo kavonu • 1 J heard of the animal standing Hi doubt He- (I | tween two stacks of hay, and •ttrrgl^o .8 Ldeath; the like of that would never happen 18 ■to General Caw. Plaoethe atacloi ethpn- j i I sand miles apart, ha would »land stock atill | J I mid way between them, and eat thent both t ■ ■at once; and the green grass along the lino J I would be apt to suffer some, too, at tho I I same time. By all means make him PWI- I I dent, gentlemen. He will feed yoOboun- M I leously—if—if there ia any left after be J 1 shall have helped himself.    | I The Whig» and the War—But as GeaefSt Itafk* I His, par excellence, the hero of the Mexican war* and J ¡¡¡«s you Democrats say we Whigs hate always OppOS ‘1 i |ed the war, you think it must be very awkward and ® ■embarrassing for us to go for General Tiyloi* H declaration that we have always opposed the war la -| ■ true or false, accordingly as one may understand t|e [. g H term «opposing the war.» If to say «the war *■tm»21 ¡¡unnecessarily and unconstitutionally commenced!I j| by the President» he opposing the war, then they I H Whigs have verygenerallyopposed it. Whenever they| | ■ have spoken at all, they have said this: and they IttfWl H said it on what has* appeared good reason tothefe^fl f| The marching an army into the midst of a peacefptx, ¡1 Mexican settlement, frightening the iahahttaaip (feri ■ way, leaving their growing crops, and other prop«»-» m ty to destruction, to ye« may appear a perfectly sau-g 1 able, peaceful, unproroking procedure} but ft mam * | not appear so to ma. So to call suck a act, to us ap- * H pears no other than a naked, impudent absurdity »and*” iwe speak of it accordingly. But if, wben thn war ■had begun, and had become the cause Of the eou*-| ■try, the giving of our money and our blood, iu COBS-Imon with yours, was support of the war, thee it fa- ( ■not true that we have always opposed the war. WlHe*« ■ few individual exceptions, you have constantly had» Hour votes here for all the necessary supplies. AlmgP Mi more than this, you have had the serv»ces,the MoOdE ■ and the live, of our political brethren ia every triaET Hand on every field. The beardless boy, and the Mf-V liture man—the humble and the distiagniahed, ■ have had them. Thro’ suffering and death, by die-«. ■ ease, and in battle, tbey have endured, and fought,“ ■ and fell with you. Clay aad Webster each gev#«| H son, never to be returned. From the Itnfee 89 own residence,beside« other worthy but lesakaowa ■ Whig names, we Bent Marshall, Morrison, Baker aadr ■ Hardin; they all fboght, and one fell, and in the fall ■ of that one, we lost our best Whig man. Nor west t §H Whigs few in number, or laggard in the day of dan* C ■ ger. In that Tearful, bloody, breathless struggle a^» H Buena Vista, where each man’s hard task was tot' Hbeathsc^v^oe^^i^unsel^ofth^ve high of'. ficert who perished, four were Whigs. In speaking of this, I mean no odiouajj by assuming that he was doing service and comparison between the lion-hearted whig, incurring expenses at several different and democrats who fought there. Onotn^j' places, and in several different capacities in : or occasions, and among the lower officer* V the same place, all at Ihe same time. By and privates on that occasion, I doubt not • a correct analysis of his accounts during the proportion was different. I wiab to do, (i owin? nronositions mav justice to all. I think of all those br&Ydf . men as Americans, in whose proufffame,^ as an American, 1 too have a »hare. Ma» i ny of them, Whigs and Democrata^ure m)?’ constituents and personal friends, and I* that period, the following propositions may be deduced: First. He was paid in three different capacities during the whole of the time; that is to say: 1. As Governor’s salary, at the rate, per year, of $2,000. 2. As estimated for office rent, clerk hire, fuel, &c., in superintendence of Indian affairs tit Michigan, at the rate^per year, of $1,500. 3. As compensation and expenses, for various miscellaneous items of Indian service out of Michigan, an average, per year, of $625. Sei ond. During part of the time, that is, from the 9th ot October, 1813, to the 29th of May, 1822, he was paid in four different capacities; that is to say: The three as above,and in addition thereto the commutation of ten rations per day, amounting, per year, to $730. Third. During another part of the time, that is, from the beginning of the year writing,” is one numbered 4, as follows, to wit: “4th. Legislation would now be wholly inoperative, because no territory hereafter to be aoquired can be governed, without an act of Congress providing for its government. And suoh an act. on its passage, would open the whole subject, and leave the Congress, called on to pass it, free to exercise its own discretion, entirely uncontrolled by any declaration found on the statute book.” In Niles’ Register, vol. 73, page 293, thereU a letter of General Cass to Nicholson, of Nashville, Tennessee, dated December 24, 1847, from which the following are correct extracts: “The Wilmot Proviso has been before 1822 to the 31st of July, 1831, he was also paid in four different capacities; that is to say: The first three, as above, (the rations beingdropped after the 29lh ot May,1822;) and, in addition thereto, for superintending Indian agencies at Piqua, Ohio, Fort Wayne, Indiana, and Chicago, Illinois, at the rate per year, of $1,500. It should be observed here, that the last item, commencing at the begiuning of 1822, and the item of rations, ending ou the 29th of May, 1822, lap on each other during so much of the time as lies between those two dates. Fourth. Still another part of the time, that i*, from the 31st of October, 1821, to the 29th of May, 1822, he was paid in six different capacities; that is to say: The three first, as above; the item of ration», as above; and, in addition thereto, another item of tpn rations per day while at Washington, settling his accounts; being at the rate, per year, of $730. And, also, an allowance for expenses travelling to and from W ashington, and while there, of $1,022; being at the rate, per year, of $1,793. Fifth. And yet, during the little portion of the time which lies between the 1st of January, 1822, and the 29th of May, 1822, he was paid in seven different capacities; that is to say: The six last mentioned, and also at the rate of $1,500 per year for the Piqua, Ft Wayne, and Chicago service, as mentioned above. These accountrHave already been discussed some here; but when we are a-mongst them, as wheu we ore in the Patent Office, we must peep about a good while before we can see aHthe curiosities. 1 shall not be tedioua with them. thank them—more than thank them—an« j and all; for the high imperishable hone* , they have conferred on oar common Stat#, / But the distinction between the cause oU the President in beginning the war^nd thi,-t cause of the country after it was begun, 1^! a distinction which you cannot perceive t To you, the President, and the country/ seem to be all one. You are interested %i\ i see no distinction between them^nd 1 ven-1 ture to suggest that possibly your interea f • blinds you a littie. We see the distinction »' as we think, clearly enough^ndour frendt * who have fought in the war have no difll* YJ culty in seeing it also. What those wht,k have fallen w’ould say,were they alive an^ here, of our course we can never know jf but with those who have returned theco ¡ji* no difficulty. Colonel Haskell and Ma^mr^ Gaines, members here, both fought inthtt. war; and one of them underwent extraor^y dinary perils and hardships; still theyjil^i all other Whigs here, vote on the reoorc that the war was unnecessarily ond un*.» ¡constitutionally commenced by the Presi-i y dent. And even Gen. Taylor himself, thfe^ noblest Roman of them all has declared tho y as a citizen, and particularly as o soldnrt.v> it is sufficient fur him to know that hity country is at war with a foreign nation, tr; do all in his power to bring it to » speedy^ and honorable terminal ion,by the most orous and energetic operations,without quiring about its justice, or anything elssv connected with it.    .    ‘ Mr Speaker, let our democratic frtendi, be comforted with the assurance, that ^ are content with our position, content whtj£ our company, and content with our candidate; and that, although they, in their get* erous sympathy,think we ought to be mi«' erable we really are not,and that they ms; dismiss the great anxiety they have on ots.1 account. Dissenlion in Parlies.—Mr Speaker, see I have but three minutes left, and til force» me to throw out one whole bran of my subject. A single word on still a other. The democrats are kind enough frequently remind us that we have dissensions in our ranks. Our eood frie from Baltimore, immediately before n (Mr M cLa me,) ex pressed some doubt t other day »* to which branch of our — Gen. Taylor would ultimately fall r hands of. That was a new idea to knew we had dissenters, but I did rtnow they were trying to get our ea dates away from u*.    1    would    like    to a word to our dissenters, but I hare À ~ the time. Some such we certainly 1    icostetr©»    ox    recxsm ;

RealCheck