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   Washington Bee (Newspaper) - January 1, 1858, Washington, Indiana                                 VOL. ä.  WASHINGTON, DAVIESS COlîïïTY, INDIANA, JANUARY 1, 1853.  NO. 22.  THE WASHINGTON BE li.  rCBLISIIED KVKRY FRIDAY MORNINO BY  ' JAMES WILKINS,  .EDITOR A N Ö, K R O P R 1 E T 0 R .  TERMS OF SUBSCEIPTIOW :  One cbpy oiioyoar,in advance,................ S I 50  Fifloeu cojiies one year, in advance,............  Right litVlug.  ■ “To love and to labor is the sum of living, and yet how many think they live who neither labor nor love.”  What a pern of thought it is, set in this quaint old Saxon ! The first part of the sentence is a beautiful test for one’s life, while the other is an equally sad, commentary on the “living” of a great portion of humanity ! And are not tÜose twain, the loving and the laboring, the one “royal law” of the Bible, and do they not bring with them thejr ‘‘own exceeding great reward?” -.Ye who seek after happinesc, behold, here^ is the Jcey !    ’  This sttiug down, folding up one’s hands, and moping away one’s life in vain yearning after affection, will never do you good.  Just step out of yourself, and live for and in others. Go out with a brave spirit into the world, and minister to the wants of humanity. Everywhere hands are reaching out to you for help ; everywhere bleeding hearts needing the balm of sympathy and tenderness. The little children want your smile, the old people want some comforting word; and the ctrongest and the best have their hours of weakness and of need.  So don’t sit still, we pray you, for this ia not living. But, “whatsoever your hand findeth to do, do it with your might,” with a true, honest heart and purpose; and no matter how heavy may be the darkness of the night through which you are walking, the morning will rise, the flowers will blossom, and the birds will sing about you.—[ Arbor’s Magazine.  ■ The CEEAPLAiNcr Abolished in Congress!!!—^By reference to our telegraphic synopsis of Congressional proceedings, it will be seen that this time-embattled outragé upon dur republican institutions has, at length, been abolished in both hoiises of Congress. We desire to comment at length upon the subject, in connection with full reports of the debates in both Houses, which we were not able to procure in time for this number. They will be given in our next. With mingled feelings of gratitude, joy and pride, we congratulate those who have aided us to circulate memorials on the subject upon the glorious success that has thus far crowned our efforts,—and also the Honorable 3Iessrs. Biggs, Mason and Hunter, of the Senate, and the, .Honorable-George W. Jones, of Tennessee, and others of the House, to 'whose manly independence and ability •we are indebted for the result!—[Banner ■of Liberty, Middletown, New York.  • A New Epkort for the Removal OP Jüdüe Lorinü.—The Boston correspondent of the Worcester Transcript writes tp that paper as follows:  Perhaps you are aware that movements arc already on foot touching the removail of Judge Loring. I have today seen a petition with the names of that formidabie triumverate of abolitionists, William Lloyd Garrison, Wendell PhiUips, and Theodore Parker, at ît6 head. Petitions have been sent, 1 learn, into Worcester county, which, it is anticipated, will send a strong appeal for his removal.  .The Albany Knickerbocker says, in going, up to Buffalo the other day,¡the coupling between two of the cars broke. This, of course, broke the bell-cord ■which passes through the cars. “The train immediately stopped. An olí lady 3sked, “what’s the matter?”  .;f‘Thé coupling has broken, marm.”  The old lady, looking at the broken bell-cprd, said—  “Don’t wonder, if they tie the cars to-gôther with such a pesky string as that.”  •Something Luce a Panic.—Crossing-ij^weeperi “Things keeps werry tight in thé city, Jimmy.”  • '.Costermonger.—“Tight ! I b’leve yer, they jist does, indeed ! Why, there, you has myyorii o’honner, asa gentleman, I :_han’t so much as touched a bit o’gold this three weeks! And as for getting one.s 'pÿper dono, why them ere banks  is'so pertikler now they won’t do it at  no price!” •  Anti-Slavery Church in Washington.—We see by the National Era, that the Congregational Church on Fifth street is of a decided anti-slavery stamp. Thjs^is a new feature in Washington. This is, we presume, for the purpose of introducing politico-clerical ethics to the assembled wisdom of the nation, and that the “three thousand New England clergy” will alternate in officiating.— [Washington States.    °  The Hog Market.—We have no improvement to notice since our last; the market is dail, at prices a shade below former , quotationis — §4,50 is now the highest figure paid for heavy hogs. • We ; $4,25 to 4,50, at which rates our la^aaeïs have no desire to sell.—[Vincennes Sua.    ^  J- , ot Merom, Sullivan at his resi-Doctor  "®P"T"ted his county in  the Legi^ture.—[Vincennes Sun.  childhood be modest in youth Wm^rate,;in manhood just, and in old age prudent.  Nothing ever touched the heart  of a,reader that did not come from the heart of a writer.  [b'roni Die Banner of Liberty.  ot;r duty to ourseIìVES andpos-teritV.  What more glorious work, of a worldly natarc, can claim our devotion, than tlic transmission to posterity of those liberties purchased by the perils, privations and death of the immediate ancestors of the more aged portion of our generation? The world never witnessed the spectacle of a people so happy or a country so prosperous and mighty in its growth as our own has been, under the influence of those free republican institutions established by the founders of our government. May it never witness their failure ! But it must be remembered that those institutions depend for perpetuity upon the intelligence, virtue and patriotism of our people. In their origin they were denounced as Utopian and impracticable, by the most sagacious and erudite statesmen of the old world, and the competency of mankind to maintain them was gravely doubted by many great and good men of our own land. The experience of four score years, since our Declaration of Independence, and of less than seventy since the establishment of a matured system under our Federal Constitution, has shown that the misgivings of those who feared or doubted the success of the great experiment of the competency of man for self-government, were not without some reason. Yet the experiment has not failed; and although often and imminently imperilled, our free institutions have thus far been preserved by a preponderaneg of patriotism and intelligence, only occasionally overcome, for brief intervals —but anon triumphant. While our nation’s destiny yet trembles in the balance, it behooves us to throw into the scales all the weight of wisdom, and virtue, and energy, that we can command, to check its vibrations and settle a happy future for our country upon a firm basis.  Let any one who may undervalue or lightly esteem the importance of maintaining our present system of government, reflect but for a moment upon the cruel oppression of those despotisms of the Eastern hemisphere, under which the masses of mankind have been trampled in the dust by titled tyrants—deprived of their dearest rights, the products of their toil, and doomed to imprisonment, tortures and death for the slightest mur-murings or resistance. And should we allow our republican institutions to be overthrown, since human nature is the same in all ages aud countries; is it not evident that upon their ruins would be reared the throne of as heartless a despotism as ever planted its iron heel upon the throbbing heart of humanity?  But how are are our free institutions to be maintained? Their very nature presumes a degree of intelligence among the people which it is the duty of all good citizens to endeavor to secure, by the study and dissemination of knowledge in political affairs. In those despotisms in which the people are the mere vassals of power; it is not essential that thye should be proficient in political science, for intelligence would only add the poignancy of a full realization of the degradation under which they exist, while groaning under the burden of tyranny.  “Where ignorance is bliss,  ’Twere folly to ba wise.”  But in a government like ours, based upon the theory that “mankind are competent for self-government,” it is but the simple duty of allegiance for every citizen to acquaint himself with its political framework as fully as possible; and having acquired such knowledge himself he should endeavor to communicate it to his children and fellow citizens. Yet, strange to say, we seldom read essays or hear speeches upon the subject, except in connection with the advocacy of the claims of candidates for election to office; and then the mere fact of such connection deprives even the imperfect exposition given, of the weight that it might otherwise possess. Indeed, it is but too apparent to the well-informed patriot that there is an astonishing amount of ignorance—not only among the people, but even among aspirants to and recipients of our highest offices—relative to'the fundamental principles upon which our political iu-stitutious are based, as well as in regard to the relations existing between our Federal and State governments, and the character of the Executive, Legislative and Judicial subdivisions into which the functions of each are wisely divided. Without a knowledge of these things the political opinions, or rather whims, of men are but matters of accident, and they, instead of being “sovereigns,” or responsible and reasoning freemen, are but subjects of demagogical influence and deception. We have long had it in contemplation to write a series of articles elucidating these all-important subjects, for the benefit of those to whom they may be useful ; and believing the present time—when there is no political canvass pending—peculiarly appropriate for the purpose, we shall commence our series with our new volume which begins with our next issue. There are few to whom they will not be worth more than the annual price of our paper, either for their own personal or for the instruction of their children, who are soon to resume the responsible duties of citizenship ; and we feel an especial desire that as wide circulation be given them as possible. A.t all events we deem the duty incumbent upon us to place them before the public, with all the impartiality and whatever ability we can command.  “Great were tha thoughts, and strong the miuds,  Of those who formed in lùgli debate,  The iminortal league of love that binds 'Our fair broad Empire—Stato with State.  “Wide aa our own free race iacreiiso;  Wide should extend the elastic chain.  And bind in ovorlasting peace State after State—a mighty train.”  [From the Banner of Liberty. SEIVATOll DOUG1.AS V.S. TIIE ADJIIX-ISTUATIOIS.  Our readers will generally be as much astonished as ourself, we doubt not, at the unfortunate and ill-advised course taken by Senator Douglas, in seeking to make an issue with the President upon that portion of his Message relating to Kansas affairs. It is true that there has been a considerable chuckling among the black-republican press, for some months past, over an anticipated breach to be made in the democratic party by an. alledged defection of the distinguished Senator from Illinois; and this omen has received too much sanction from the shadowy indications of a few democratic presses reputed to be under the patronage and control of Mr. Douglas, which have been too incautiously but innocently copied by many democratic papers that, upon a full understanding of an intended defection and division of our ranks would not, for a moment have entertained the idea of giving encouragement to such a seditious schemc. But, while not entirely free from apprehension, we have silently awaited the assembling of Congress to ascertain with certainty the course that would be taken by Mr. Douglas. And, although events have already transpired to produce the utmost regret, via are not yet disposed to judge an old friend and able champion too harshly. Mr. Douglas may yet disappoint the hopes of black-republicans who have begun to claim him as an accession to their ranks, and to rejoice over their supposed good fortune.  It will challenge the skill of the most subtile professors of the sciencc of political alchemy to find in Mr. Douglas’ avowal of his antagonism to the administration any substantial matter of difference, sufficient to warrant an alienation upon honest motives, in view of the magnitude of the evils that would result from any considerable division of the National Democracy, at such a critical and momentous crisis as the present.— With regard to the action of the Constitutional Convention of Kansas, Mr. Buchanan truly remarks, (as neither Mr. Douglas nor any one else can, or even pretend to, deny) that the Act under which the Convention to frame a Constitution under which Kansas should apply for admission into the Union as a State, “had omitted to provide for submitting to the people the Constitution which might be framed by the Convention,” and “Under the earlier practice of the government, no Constitution framed by the convention of a Territory preparatory to its admission into the Union as a State, had b^en submitted to he people.” The Act under which the Constitutional Convention of Kansas was convened, as furthermore remarked by the President, was “an Act of the Territorial Legislature whose lawful existence had been recognized by Congress in different forms, and by different enactments.” In the last Congress there was no louder or more vehement defender of the regularity of the established government of Kansas, under which, by an act of its legislature, the Convention was called to frame the Constitution, than Senator Douglas himself. Had the people, through their representatives in their Territorial legislature, desired that the Constitution should be submitted to a popular vote previous to its submission to Congress, it would have been an easy matter for them to have incorporated such a provision in the Act calling the Constitutional Convention. But inasmuch as no such provision was incorporated therein, the Convention were clearly at liberty to complete the work for which they were elected, by adopting a Constitution upon which to apply for admission. Indeed thei-e is a grave doubt in our mind whether a Convention elected for the specific duty of framing a constitution (without any definite provision for its subsequent submission to a popular vote,) have any right to delegate away their responsibility. It is true that when State Constitutions are amended, or new ones adopted, they are generally submitted for popular ratification, but in all such cases a provision therefor is contained in the act providing for the Convention; but in the adoption of Constitutions by Territories preparatoy to application for admission as States, this has never been done except in two instances, we believe; and in these exceptional cases it was provided for by the act originating the Convention. In our State Courts it has been several times decided, and is undisputed and well settled law that the legislature of a Scate cannot make an act dependent upon ratification by a popular vote. And why? Because its members are elected to enact laws, after being duly sworn to faithfully and properly discharge their duties and they have no authority to delegate away their legislative powers to an .unsworn or any other body of men, not even to the whole people themselves. If this be the case with a legislature elected under a State Constitution why is it not so with a Convention elected for a specific purpose under the Constitution of the United States? If a Constitutional Convention might do one thing, however laudable beyond the powers specially conferred upon it might it not also do any number of other things however reprehensible, without transcending its powers?  It may be regretted that the Act under which the late Constitutional Convention of Kansas was created, did not provide for a submission of the instrument they should adopt, to a popular ratification. Mr. Douglas regrets that this was not done, and so does Mr. Buchanan, and so do we. There is here no difference then, any further than in the degree of regret; for we must say that we regard the matter as of infinitely less importance than Mr. Douglas and the  bLack-rcpublicans affect to do. And why? Because the Convention seeming to participate in the general regret that they had not been empov.'ered to submit their work for popular ratification, actuall}' ventured to go so far as to so submit the only question at issue. The f eople of Kansas therefore havcan opportunity of voting whether there shall boa provision protecting or prohibiting slavery in their Constitution; Yv^hat move is essential? Is there any difference of opinion as to any other subject embraced in the Constitution adopted by the Convention? Not at all; and if there «ere it could bo readily altered the very first year after admission as a State. On the other hand critics have carefully scanned it in vain to find anything against which to inveigh.  From a brief review of the subject we see then—  1st. That the Convention to frame a Constitution, under which application shouldbe made for the admission of Kansas as a State, was not required by the  cient weight in his counsels. If the future, however, shall blast our hopes in his behalf, and if he shall go over to the enemy, it can be solely from these pitiful considerations, for he can allege no other sufficient reason. Even his great sagacity cannot enable him to make a mountain of the miserable mole hill of difference that he has chosen for a barrier between himself and the administration.  But if our worst apprehensions shall prove true, it is a proud satisfaction to know that even the defection of Mr. Douglas cannot Divide or distract the the National Democracy suiiiciently to endanger their ascendancy in the councils or Chief Magistracy of the nation. Its members are too intelligent and patriotic to be deceived or corrupted b}' the machinations of any man or men, however talented, or however beloved in times past. Tha National Democracy have higher motives than man-worship, and a stronger cohesion than personal affection. Even should Douglas entire-  Act creating it to submit such Con.stitu- j ly desert our ranks he cannot carry with  tion as they might adopt, for the ratification or rejection of anybod^^  2d. That it is at least doubtful wheth -er that Convention had authority, in the absence of any special delegation thereof, to make their action dependant for its vitality upon the endorsement of any person or persons, especially as a wide difference of opinion exists as to what class of persons should be consulted on the subject.  3d. That notwithstanding the grave doubts that reasonably existed in the minds of members of the Convention as to their right to delegate away any portion of their powers to any class of persons whatever, they still ventured to submit the only clause (relative to negro slavery) on which there was any difference of opinion, to the vote or afl white male inhabitants of the age of twenty-cne years.  •ith. That no provision of the Constitution adopted, except the one thus submitted to the popular vote, involves any matter of difference either among the people of Kansas or of the United States.  Where then was the occasion for, the ostentatious announcement by Mr. Douglas that 1/e differed with the present Democratic Administration, and that he should embrace the earliest opportunity to animadvert upon that portion of the Messa"0 referrini; to Kansas affairs?  him one-tenth of the half million of voters we have gained since the Presidential election. His first demonstration in the Senate has doubtless taught him that if merit can elevate men from the humblest stations, misconduct can prostrate them from the highest. With but one Senator (Broderick, of California,) to follow' him in his war upon the Administration, he can hardly hope for a very triumphant tilt againt the National Democracy. He will find himself in the condition of the bull that attempted to butt tho°locomotive off the bridcre, and  0    O’  the great train of democracy will move on as before.  But wo still hope—almost against hope, we confess—for the return of the prodigal Senator,—almost as much for his 0V(-n sake as for the sake of the glorious cause in behalf of which he has battled so bravely and ably in days gone by. Should the futura show that our inferences xroih Mr. Douglas’ strange course have been erroneous, it will give us the greatest pleasure to correct them, Wc shall await future developments with anxiety, but coUld not conscientiously say less at present.  SacUclors-~-lie Ca'sitioirs.  There's nothing so dangerous as a young man staying in a country house with prett}»^ girls. He is sure to fall in love with with one or the other of them,  Whe7el.rUie g“rounrfo7 rsufficient'dTf-  ferencebetween Mr. Douglas and tbe^~ ..........*  d .mocratic party, to inducc him, for the  sake of occupying it, to submit witho.ut resentment, to the slimy approval of Seward, Hale, Greely and other notorious traitors to their country? Where is the motive for his making a speech iu opposition to the appointment of a sueccssor to the traitor who had been removed for playing into the hands of the Sedition-ists, while acting as pro tem. Governor of Kansas? But lastly, and chiefly, wherefore the occasion of his announcing, as he did on la^t Thursday, his intention “to introduce, at an early day, a bill to enable the people of Kansas to form a Constitution and State Government,” &c., thus re| udiating the regular Convention convened by authority of the legislature and government of Kansas, which Congress and Mr. Douglas, in common with all National Democrats, have so often and so fully recognized as regular? Has he, in his boasted annual acce!5sions of wisdom learneS the fallacy of his former democratic faith in the right of the pe ij le o 'Kansas to govern themseives through their recognized legislature ? And has he at last become a convert to the doctrine of the black-re-puLlican Convention at Philadelphia which nominated Fremont, tl.at Congress lias sovereign iMiccr over the territories?'' If not how could he give notice of originating a bill in Congress toprovilc for the formation of a Constitution and State Government of Kansas in opposition to that already established and repeatedly recognized as regular by the late and jr.senfc democratic administrations, as well as by all national democrats throughout the land?  We put these questions to Mr. Douglas as an old friend, and shall send him a copy of this paper with our questions marked, and wo shall await his reply, (which we pledge ourself to publish,) before expressing our opinions’ more fully as to his recent motives, actions and objects. If he can answer them satisfactorily we shall be pleased. If he can he will: for he doubtless knows we have the most widely extended circulation of any paper of the party to which he ’has heretofore belonged, numbering not less than three or four thousand subscribers and probably 20,000 readers in his own State.  As before remarked, we hope the black-republicans may be disappointed in their cxpected prey; for the fall of Douglas into their ranks could not be regarded in any other light than as a victim. Like the fabled' Cerberus, of three heads, that guards the gates of mythological perdition, they will fawn and smile upon him as he advances, but after passing the infernal portals those smiles will be exchanged for fiendish scowls, and the sweet music of their syren songs to the hideous bowlings of hopeless damnation.  As an old friend and admirer of the “little giant,” we trust we shall be excused for what may appear to some as infatuation in his behalf, while we await further indubitable proof of the treachery of one whom we have hitherto so highly esteemed. We cannot believe that our once favorite statesman, the talented Douglas, has deserted his old party aud his country’s dearest interests, merely because many of the Southern delegates to the Cincinnati Convention deemed it advisable to support Buchanan in preference to himself,—or because Buchanan has not awarded him suffi-  to fall iu love with him ; and then when he leaves, there is sura to be a scene arranged. Miss with her red eyelids and lace-fringed kerchief, mamma with her smirks aud smiles, aud hopes he’ll “soon return,” and so on. There are more matches made up in country houses than in all the west-end London ones put together. Indeed, London is always allowed to be only the cover for finding the game in, and the country the place for'running it down. Just as you find your fox in a wood, and run him down in an open plain. Be careful, therefore, what you are about. It is much easier to get entangled with a girl than get free again, for though they will ahvays offer to set a man free, they know, better.  Above all, never consult a male friend in these mattei-s. The stupidest w'oman that ever was born is better than the cleverest man in love affairs. In . fact, no man is a match for a woman until he is married—not all even then. The worst of young men is, they never know their worth until it is too late. They think the girls are difficult to catch, whereas there is nothing so easy, unless, as I said before, the girls are better engaged. Indeed, a young man should always have his mother at his elbow to guard against the machinations of the fair. As, however, that cannot be, let me urge you to be careful what you are about, and as you seem to have plenty of choice, don’t be more attentive to one sister than to another, by which you will escape the red eyelids, and also escape having mamma declare you have trifled with Martha’s or Sophia’s feelings, and all the old women of the neighborhood denoiincing your conduct, aud making up to you themselves for one of their own girls. Some ladies ask a man’s intentions before he is well aware that he has any hims^f; but these are the spoil sport sort of women. Most of them are prudent enough to get a man well hooked before they hand him over to papa. It is generally a case of “ask Mamma” first. Beware of brothers! I have known undoubted heiresses crumpled up into nothing by the appearance (after the catch) of two or three great heavy dragooners.—[The Note Taker.  The Last of the IIandolpu Family.—Saint George Ilandolph, a nephew of the celebrated John Eandolph ofBo-anoke, who died in Charlotte county, Virginia, on the 4th instant, was the last in the line of the Randolph family. He was born deaf and dumb, but was highly educated in France. On returning to Virginia in 1814, he heard of of the hopeless illness of his brother at Harvard College, and immediately became deranged. From that time to the day of his death, he is said never to have known a lucid interval.  B@„The Corydon Democrat learns that the stockholders of the Bank of Corydon had a meeting last Friday and unanimously resolved to wind the concern up. This will require but little trouble, as no bills have been put in circulation, and but little other business has been done by it. The reason assigned for this is that the pressure of the times is such as to prevent it from being profitable to the stockholders, the change in that respect having taken place since the bank was organized.  Many literary effusions procecd from water on the brain.  Tivo a'ew i’rec Stai.cs—-IVliat Say tlio Fire-Eaters Î While the Southern ilre-eaters have kept the v,-hole South in a state of ferment about the terrible danger of admitting Kansas as a free State, two other free States have been duly and quietly organized, and are waiting now the simple formality of a Congressional act of admission into the Union. These two States are Minnesota and Oregon—the one at the sources of the Mississippi, the other at the mouth of the Columbia on the Pacific coast. The former is already a populous and highly prosperous Stn,te; and the latter possessed of a solid and sul.'stantial body of people, is destined to disDuto with California the em-  TUe YoiitU of tfee D»y.  Where is now our youth?—where our old age?—where are our boys?—whore are our old men? We have men-boys and boy-men. But where are the veritable boys—the boys with eager heart-,• throbbing pulses, buoyant spirits, gay and glowing hopes, unreasoning beliefs, and ready faith—the boys with the young thoughtsandyoungfeelinga'gush- ■ ing through them like the juices of yoang life—the boys who hail their stiage of, existence joyfully, gathering its' pleas’-ures, battling its sorrows, and venting-its impulses; not striving and straining-after an unripe knowledge and a-forced' maturity? Where are now our veritable rey-beards—the old men who calmly,-  pue of the Pacific—two new free States! i arid fearlessly enter on the stage of tlieir  ijfg assuming its dignities, claiming its-' privileges, and fulfilling its functions;' separating themselves from the turbid action, the toil and strife of the*w-orid-,-_ and reposing honorably in the retirement of experience and council; not clinging to the semblance of foregone" periods, not envying the energies of youth or the prime of manhood, but keeping alive the memories and feelings of both to ray their declining day with mellow light, the old men who rejoiced-to wear their grey hairs as a crown of glory, and stood amid their fellows with their hoary heads, their wise hearts; and their brows engraven with the lines of thought like  “The almond trees full of good days.”  Such men may still exist, scattered like old pollards over the leveled face of society, but they are not thy products, not the result of thy materialism, O Age! The youth which opens under thy auspices, and runs by thy creeds, cannot sow the seeds of such a harvest. The youth framed under thy influences and action will have no growth, will not know the natural processes of maturi-tion—“First, the blade, then the ear, ,after that the full corn, in the ear.” Thy youth will be put up and fashioned like a piece of mechanism, set to work like a steam engine, moving ever by the same hard heavymaterial laws—so much speed from so much pov/er, so much knowledge from so much pleasure.—[Blackwood’s Magazine.  And Oregon has so little taste for niggers that eveti free niggers are excluded from her borders. The question arises, therefore, of what yalu-,> woi'.ld Kaiisas be to the South as a balance of power even admitted with a South Carolina constitution—v.’hat value, we say, with these Northern offsets of Minnesota and Oregon: and with Nebraska and Washington Territories close behind?  The fact is, Kansas, or no Kansas, this idea of a Senatorial Southern balance of power in Congress, is an “obsolete idea;” it is a balance which Is gone—forever gone.  Nor is there any help for it. With Cuba in our possession, we might divide it into two new slave States; but we havn’t got Cuba, and there is no telling when we shall get it. Texas may be cut up into two or three States; but the chances are morn than equal that one or two of the new ones would be free States—for in Western Texas there arc few niggers, and some populous German settlements of men who are dyed in the wool against slave labor. Arizonia as a new Southern Territory is a perfect humbug; and from New Mexico, as Mr. Webster said, niggers have been excluded by the will of God. And so the game is up with Mr. Calhoun’s idea of a balance of Southern power iu the Senate; for, Kansas or no Kansas, the North henceforth must be predominant in both branches of Congress, and every year more®:ind more so; and as for Kansas itself—admit it as a slave State, in six months thereafter- it will be a free State. How absurd, then, is all this rant and cant and clamor between iiorthern dirt-eaters and Southern fire-eaters about niggers in Kansas!— What say the dirt-eaters?—what say the fire-eaters?—[New York Herald.  Slavery Coastitsiiiou Adopted in Klansas.  We copy the following highly important news from the Saint Louis Republican of Sunday, the editor of which says the “Slavery Coustitution” has carried in Kansas;  Westport, Mo., December 12.  The returns from Johnson are imperfect; at Shawnee the pro-slavery vote was seven hundred and sixty-five; at Olathe tv?o hundred, and about the same at Lexington. No election news came down to-hight from Lawrence and Le-compton ! when the express left the former place, several hundred men were about leaving for Lecompton to demand, and if refused, to take by force the territorial arms at the Governor’s disposal.  I send you herewith the address of cting Governor Denver to the people of Kansas. It is brief, but to the point.  There were rumors to-day of a fight  the region of Fort Scott, in which it v/as said that thirty men had been killed. This evening the driver of the coach from Ossawattomie denies it. It is doubtless a mere rumor. To-night il received a letter dated at Lawrence yesterday; which states that Lane has gone to Fort Scott, and intends first to demolish that place, and then “wipe out” Lexington and Westport, and that a war of extermination is to be begun on the pro-slavery settlers in the Shawnee Reservation ; and they are to be shot down aud their houses burned. I regard the letter as intended to arouse the border people to acts of retaliation, and give Lane’s party some show of an e.xeuse for war. A desperate, effort is being made to get up civil strife. We hope, as we expect it, to fail.  Constitution: with slavery” has carried by a large majority ; no doubt of it.  H. C. P.  Lawrence, Kansas, Dec. 21.  Post3IASTer, Westport ; It must be awful times down at Fort Scott. It was reported last night that the free State men had roasted two of our men alive ; but it is not certain as yet; but there has been a battle, and Jim Lane has gone down, and there are, no doubt, 1,000 men either at Fort Scott, or gone into Missouri. It has been proposed to go to Lexington and levy a contribution of i;50,000 to pay the expenses of tire last war, and then go up and wipe out Westport. The free State men say they won’t stop at the State line, so look out, be strong, and acquit yourselves like men.  The Vigilant Committee meet often, and sometimes keep in session till midnight. ' It is quite likely there will be blood spilt on the Shawnee Reservation. They are talking of going down ih squads, and burning the houses of proslavery men, while some of our folks are to be burned in their houses or shot down as they come out.  IKS“ We are apt to mistake our vocation in looking out of the way for occasions to exercise great and rare virtues, and stopping over ordinary ones which lie directly in the road before us. When we read, we fancy we could be martyrs; when we come to the act, we find we cannot bear a provoking word.—[Hannah More.  Seven nev.’spapers in Minnesota have suspended publication on account of the tightness of the times.  Noiseless Greatness.  Nature in many ways shows us the noiseless greatness of all that is productive of peace aud order. The fields of Avaving growing wheat, and forests studded with swelling oaks make no noise; and .the electricity which'roars in the thunder peal, is not a tithe so powerful as that which sleeps in the light and holds the drops of a cup of water in their liquid poise. The world’s estimate of power gives greater prominence to that which upheaves and causes disorder.  The eruption of a volcano, to almost all minds, symbolizes more strength and -grandeur than the silent swing and radiance of a planet. If there could be some splendid confusion produced amid the serenity of the universal order, if some broad constellation should begin, to-night, to play off a brilliant display of fire-works down the spaces of the heavens, or if some blazing comet should jostle the whole outworks of a system, destroying order, and kindling the infinite azure into flame, how many thou-■sands there are that would look up to the skies, for the first time with wonder aud, awe ! They do not see anything surprising or subduing in the punctual rise and steady setting of the sun, and its imperial and boundless beauty; and yet the sun has] fire enough to fill the whole space between Mercury and Neptune with brilliant pyrotechnics and jubilee displays. But the old sun is not selfish, and has no French ambition for such mean glories, as children gaze at and-clap their hands. It noiselessly reserves its fires, keeps them stored in its breast, throws no sheets of flame from its huge cauldron, but shoots still and steadily its clean, white beams of ether, that evoke flowers from the bosom of the globe and paint the far-off satellites of Uranus with silver beauty!  Evening Houi's for Mcciiaulcs.  Young mechanics hearken to the following facts;' , , .  One of the best editors the Westminster • Review could boast of, ai^d one of the most brilliant writers of the age, was a cooper in Aberdeen. One of the” editors of the London Daily Journal was a baker in Elgin; the best reporter of the London Times was a j\-eaver in Edinburg; the editor of the Witness was a stone-mason. One of the ablest ministers in London was a black-smith in Diindee, and another was a watch-maker iu Banff. The late Doctor Milne, of China, was a herd-boy in Rhyne. . The principal of the London Missionary Society’s College at Hong-Kong was a saddler in Huntley, and one of the best Missionaries that ever went to India was a tailor in Keith. The leading machinist on the London and Birmingham railway, with £700 a year, was a mechanic in Glasgow; and perhaps the richest iron founder in Jingland was a working man in Morap. Sir James Clarke, Her Majesty’s physician, was a druggist in Banff. Joseph Hume was a sailor first, and then a laborer at the mortar and pestle in Montrose. Mr. McGregor, the member of Parliament from Glasgow, was a poor boy in Ross shire. James Wilson, the member from West-bury, was a plowman in .Haddington, and Arthur Anderson, the member for Orkney, earned his bread by the sweat of his brow in the Ultima Thule. These men, however, spent their leisure hours in acquiring useful knowledge.  We spend much of life in making blunders, and more of it in correcting them.  The ambitious often f^ll into a ditch while gazing, at the stars.   

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